Long Civil Rights Movement
Thursday August 30
Lawson, Debating the Civil Rights Movement: The View from the Nation
The basic premises of this article make it a great example of the “classic” interpretation of the civil rights movement. First, the story begins in WWII, picks up with Brown v. Board and the Montgomery Bus Boycott, and ends with the rise of black power and urban riots. Second, it assumes that the movement was based exclusively in the South. Third, the movement focuses almost entirely on changing federal laws or forcing the federal government to enforce existing laws. Fourth, the story focuses on the leaders of organizations and federal officials. As a result, a small group of male actors drive the story. Finally, it privileges one strain of civil rights movement activism—groups that promoted non-violence and focused on ending segregation and securing voting rights.
- 1944 Smith v. Allwright
- 1945 End of WWII
- African Americans gain new organizational power after WWII.
- 1947 To Secure These Rights
- 1948 Democrats include civil rights plank in platform; creation of Dixiecrats
- Shelly v. Kramer
- 1950 Sweatt v. Painter
- McLauren v. Board of Regents
- 1954 Brown v. Board of Education
- 1955 Emmett Till murder
- Montgomery Bus Boycott
- 1957 Civil Rights Act of 1957
- Little Rock
- creation of Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)
- 1960 Greensboro Sit-ins spark sit-in movement
- creation of Student Non-Violent Committee (SNCC)
- 1961 Freedom Rides
- Albany Campaign
- 1962 James Meridith entered University of Mississippi
- 1963 Birmingham
- March on Washington
- 1964 Civil Rights Act of 1964
- Freedom Summer
- 1965 Selma
- Voting Rights Act of 1965
- 1966 Stokley Carmichael advocates for "Black Power"
Thursday September 6
Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, "The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past" and Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua and Clarence Lang, "The 'Long Movement' as Vampire
These articles provide two different assessments of the long civil rights movement (LCRM). In justifying LCRM scholarship, Jacquelyn Dowd Hall calls for six ways scholars should reinterpret the black freedom struggle. First, by writing a “longer and broader” story, scholars can challenge the “trope of the South as the nation’s ‘opposite other.” Second, by moving the story back to the New Deal, historians can emphasize the relationship between “civil rights and workers’ rights.” Third, the scholarship can uncover the importance of women’s activism and how gender shaped participation in the movement. Fourth, the long view of the movement can highlight activism in every region of the country. Fifth, scholars can analyze the persistence of civil rights activism after the major political and legal victories of the mid 1960s. Finally, the long view of the movement can recognize the long history of backlash to civil rights activism (1239). Hall critiques the dominant narrative of the civil rights movement as a political tool of the New Right. In constructing this narrative, she argues, the “new ‘color-blind conservatives’ ignored the complexity and dynamism of the movement, its growing focus on structural inequality, and its ‘radical reconstruction’ goals” (1237). Sundiata Cha-Jua and Clarence Lang are sympathetic with Hall’s critique of how the New Right has reinterpreted the movement to fit its own political needs. They also support LCRM scholars’ efforts to highlight women’s important roles in the movement, uncover the coexistence of many different tactics and philosophies, reveal the international nature of the movement, and take black power as a seriously topic of study (269). But Cha-Jua and Lang criticize the LCRM scholarship because they argue it “collapses periodization schemas, erases conceptual differences between waves of the BLM, and blurs regional distinctions in the African American experience” (265). Cha-Jua and Lang’s critique is least convincing when they argue LCRM scholars collapse periodization schemas. In fact, LCRM scholars emphasize the impact of the Cold War in purging important activists from the movement and they recognize the changing character of the movement after 1965. Cha-Jua and Lang are most effective in arguing that LCRM need to appreciate the “intellectual and cultural dimensions” of the black freedom movement. Too often, scholars have deemphasized the differences of activists decades apart because they used similar tactics, while ignoring the fact that the activists used those tactics to serve different goals and framed their objectives differently. As the authors put it, “the theoretical and ideological lenses through which people viewed their actions matters as much as what they actually did” (277). Moreover, their critique of LCRM for flattening geographical differences is important. Arguing that racism was an American problem, not a southern problem, ignores important regional differences that made the character of the movement different in Philadelphia.
Tuesday September 11
An Army of Lions: The Civil Rights Struggle before the NAACP by Shawn Leigh Alexander
In the preface, Alexander clearly lays out the aims of the book. It chronicles the response of black organizations, particularly civil rights organizations, to the rise of racial segregation and violence in the age of Jim Crow. It reveals shifting views, changing allegiances and competition for support and resources among leading African American intellectuals. The book also highlights the roles of a wider range of intellectuals. It demonstrates how early civil rights activism helped create a template for many of the activities the NAACP had developed over the past century. Alexander argues that the early organizations were unable to attract a mass amount of supporters because of the financial situations they encountered. The high prices of membership or the annual dues were too much for them to afford, especially when the masses of African Americans were struggling just to survive the economic impact of white supremacy. According to him, this book is a history of the individuals involved with these early organizations who formed a group of activists. Although he argues that it is important to look to the early activists, he notes that this book is "not a depiction of a long, continuous civil rights movement" (xiv). In Chapter one, Alexander chooses to begin with Danville, Virginia, which had a slight black majority with growing racial tensions. Not only did blacks hold the majority in city council and law enforcement positions, but also they began to dominate the public market and because of this the white population wanted the "black government" defeated. Violence of lynching was a way for white people to reconcile weak governments with a demand for an impossibly high level of racial mastery. The “Danville Circular” was the white man’s paper, which published claims such as “…the black population paid only a fraction of tax dollars paid by white citizens” as well as other racial complaints. Three days before the election, the Danville Riot occurred when a black man passed a white man on the street and allegedly jostled the white man. The white man took out his revolver and opened fire. In the end, three African American men were killed, six were injured, and four whites were injured and one white was dead. Also during the 1880's, lynching was changed from an act of "extrajudicial 'justice' that harbored no particular racial overtones" into a threat and a symbol of fear for African Americans all over. Events as such occurred throughout the south and blacks began to grasp the need for organization in the fight to stop reversal of African American civil and political rights. As a result, a formation of a national civil rights organization had begun. Although a national civil rights organization had been called for by T. Thomas Fortune and others, it didn't catch on until after Harrison was elected president when blacks became disillusioned with the republican party. Alexander then continued with giving the accounts of important activists, such as Fortune and their attempts to move forward in society as well as other struggles African Americans encountered such as lynching. He included how African American’s pulled on inspiration from the Irish who had overcome their battles with whites. In Chapter two, Alexander progresses with the development of organization. The Afro-American League had now played a large role in African American Activism. Although it had only lasted a few years, its activities were significant. It demonstrated a continued struggle of African Americans fighting the odds against widespread hostility. Alexander discusses the important actions that would be copied later during the accepted time period of the Civil Rights Movement. On June 4, 1890, Fortune went to a hotel and politely asked for a drink; when he was told they would not serve him, he responded that he refused to leave. The police came in and arrested him for his reluctance to cooperate, setting the basis for wide spread sit ins during the 20th century. They would continue to fight under the banner of truth, federal constitution, and honest manhood. Continuing to give accounts of the conventions, Alexander is able to illustrate the struggles of early organizations. Chapter Three outlines the revitalization of the Afro-American League. Although it was starting to become popular again, the Afro-American League was on the local level and the funds were low. It focused on lynching and pushing forward from racial tensions. This continued need for a national civil rights movement led to the Afro-American Council (the revitalized version of the league). Along with reviving the Afro-American League, the third chapter talks about other actions Democrats took to gain "political influence." Specifically to regain control of the 1898 elections. The "Negro domination" scare tactic, African Americans being scared to vote and Fusionists being scared to campaign, the Democrats got their political victory in November of 1898. But the fight did not stop there, the White Democrats took action and later the poll taxes and literacy test were created (Williams v Mississippi) and the Afro-American League knew they needed to expand their ideas and create a stronger organization. Overall, Alexander looks at the important advocates for civil rights organizations in the late 19th Century. These men and women were the starters for famous events, which included various boycotts and other propaganda. The organization was highlighted by its openness to helping and accepting all people. Including women in crucial positions within The Council shows advances the organization was taking as a whole. By highlighting not only the journalists that made these organizations happen, but the papers as well, we are able to look further into this early period in the civil rights movement.
- T. Thomas Fortune
Founder and Editor of the New York Globe, a black newspaper, who used his influence to call for the formation of the Afro-American League, and later became the secretary of the League. He published a list of grievances that was used as the platform of the League, and he called for African Americans to arm themselves because the whites do. Fortune later sued the Trainer Hotel for refusing to sell him a beer because he wanted to set a precedent that could be used to win later cases.
- Rutherford B. Hayes
The 19th President of the United States who lead America during Reconstruction, who attempted to fix the division that existed within the United States during the Civil War and Antebellum period; however, it was under his leadership that the Southern White supremacists became more involved with putting African Americans in a suppressed role. Hayes's party, the Republicans, got little involved with the predicament of African Americans in the South, leading to the influential voices of Fortune to take equality into their own hands.
- W.E.B. Du Bois
- First African American to earn a Doctorate
- A Co-Founder of the NAACP
- Know for many writings; including The Crisis(NAACP's journal), The Souls of Black Folk, and Black Reconstruction in America.
Richard T. Greener First African American professor at University of South Carolina and first black Harvard graduate.
- John Boyle O’Reilly.
- Booker T. Washington
A member of the Tuskegee Institute, and also founder, responded to Fortune's call for a greater unity among African Americans, and the idea should spread to "every village" (12). Washington did not come into light as a political speaker until the 1890's, but with it, he became a principle speaker and recognizable face, which the group so desperately desired. Washington argued that African Americans could greatly contribute to the country, and with it pose a better world and advancement for United States. His famous speech, the Atlanta Compromise, given on September 18,1895 highlighted an important point that African Americans could continue to work as a seperate group of people within the United States, but as a whole could create a sense "mutual progress"(69), where respect could be found on both sides (interpretation of prior quote).
- Ida B. Wells
A strong political speaker within the growth of the Afro-American League and overall blackhood. A woman, who voiced in support of African American women, and their need to be included in the ongoing race struggle in the south made her not only strong advocate of equality, but true equality. Voicing many of her beliefs in magazines, Wells found herself an ardent advocate of not being "passive onlookers, but must join the fray for (their) recognition"(12). Fighting a passionate and coordinated struggle against the injustice towards African Americans gave Wells the idea that it was necessary to preserve the Afro-American League in all ways contending. "Our only hope is Union" (16).
- John Mercer Langston
An American Abolitionist that was born from a freed black woman and his father being of English decent. Early in his career he was appointed to recruit African Americans for the Union Army in the Civil War. After the war, he was appointed inspector general for the Freedman's Bureau, which was a Federal organization that would help freed slaves with their labor rights and their contracts. Perhaps the highest point of Langston's career was being the first black person from Virgina to be elected into Congress.
- Levi J. Coppin
A writer who published an editorial in the AME Church Review who supported Fortune and the League. He believed it was an "awakening of manhood."
- H.C.C. Astwood
- James Jacks
- Edward E Cooper
A strong voice in both the Afro-American League and Council. Cooper realized the group was worth reviving even though the League had failed, for he saw the failure was due to lack of harmony within the group between the men and money; therefore, the organization should stand for something, not just talk and protest, but take on a meaning; however, if the members were not going to meet this requirement then the League did not need to be re-established (79). Saw money and influential people as dually connected to the advancement of the Afro-American Council. Believed intermarriage was more of a personal preference then necessity, against what Bruce was advocating.
- Bishop Alexander Walters
President of National Afro-American Council and leader of the Zion Church in New York City. Bishop Walters was greatly moved by the idea that some African Americans felt no need to get into conflict with the white men. Disturbed and duped by such thoughts Walters made it extremely clear that African Americans must unite and nothing was going to stop this unification. Walters saw the abandonment by the federal government, most especially the president who was voted in with many African American votes. As citizens, in order to gain the right of citizenship, Walter insisted that one must fight for their rights, their equality, and most especially, their manhood (90). Walters was an advocate of gaining awareness through Constitutional Rights as well as Education, emigration, and businesses, and he proposed these ideals at the Afro-American Council meeting in 1887 by garnishing funds (91).
- John E. Bruce
Nationalist leaning freelance journalist, quoted as saying "socially and politically it is not our country but our abiding place..." about the state of African American; therefore, it is only the African Americans that can become "the solution to the problem" (35). Talk was only miniscule business, what got the attention, what rendered the resolution would be unification under a common cause,enhancing a dominant theme of manhood, Bruce state, "Who murder our defenseless brethern, for daring them to be men" (35). Bruce also encouraged marriage to 'ignorant' immigrant white women in order to 'solve the race problem', even invite more people into the fight for Civil Rights (85). Brice also advanced the idea of mixed education because the quality would not only be better, but also destroy the race problem (86).
- Afro-American League
- Founded by T.Thomas Fortune with direct ideas to focus their attention upon
- Challenges to lynching, mob rule, and the suppression of black suffrage
- Challenge to the unequal distribution of fund allotted to black vs. white schools.
- Another Grievance concerned the South's deplorable penitentiary systems, including chain gangs and convict lease programs. As well as the increasingly discriminatory practices of Southern railroads.
- Challenge the growing practice of denying blacks access to public accommodations.
- National Afro-American Council
- Constitution League
- Committee of Twelve
- Niagara Movement
Civil Rights organization founded by W.E.B Du Bois that wanted to oppose racial segregation. Many scholars may start with the Niagara Movement as a precursor to the Civil Rights Movment and the NAACP.
- National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)
- New York Globe
New York Globe became one of the most widespread black newspapers in the post-Reconstruction era. With T. Thomas Fortune as editor, the New York paper had extreme insight to the South from his Florida roots. The Globe along with other black papers were instrumental in not only getting out the word of a need for civil rights movements and organizations, but also in critiquing the 'reign of terror' in the South, including disenfranchisement and segregation.
- Booker T. Washington
Received a circular from the Afro-American Council Finance Committee. When he received the appeal he sent in one hundred dollars and conformed with Jesse Lawson that he was in support of the effort and would help in other ways as well. The Finance Committee was concerned about money and used these circulars as a way to gain support.
- Armand Romain
Suggested by Albert Pillsbury to be the Afro American Council’s legal counsel from New Orleans to assist with the case concerning suffrage laws in Louisiana in order to fight the Grandfather Clause. He believed that the best way to fight the clause was to focus solely on the registration laws and convinced the other lawyers on the case that this was the best course of action. The Council let Romain take control of the case. Romain ended up losing the case.
- Fred Alexander
Alexander was an African American male who had been accused of assault. He was in jail when the sheriff pulled him out and “hand-delivered” him to a mob. The mob then tied him standing up, saturated his clothing in oil and set him on fire. This case sparked the Afro-American Council to mobilize. Local activists called for citizens to insist on the proper enforcement of all laws and urged the governor along with other powerful players to bring justice to those involved in the Alexander murder. Later exclaimed by Bishop Walters, that all American’s should be ashamed to live in this so called “Christian nation,” which had been failing to live up to its Christian ideals. Fred Alexander’s unjust death was a great fire starter for advocates against racial violence.
- David J. Reynes
- Emmett Scott
Scott's appointment onto the Council was a political maneuver done by the Council in hope of uniting the National Negro Business League with the Afro-Amerian Council in order to not only unit two strong racial groups, but also to help with possible financial support.
- Ferdinand Barnett
Barnett enforced the uncivilized ways of lynching and how barbaric it came across as in the eyes of the civilized cultures. This point enhancing not only a horrible image, but also contributing to the already guilty standing of the White Anglo Saxon race. With this statement the 'American Conscious' the Council was so much trying to penetrate would most definitely be enticed with such a strong statements.
ORGANIZATIONS / NEWS PAPERS
- Virginia Times
A news paper based out of Richmond, Virginia that reacted harshly to the news that Congress would create a special commission that would tend to suppressed African Americans in their laudable aim to obtain a comfortable living. The news paper proclaimed that the mantra of this new council was to call "upon the government to enact some special class legislation in favor of the Negro because of the color of his skin" (104).
- Richmond Planet
The Richmond Planet was a newspaper that was created in Richmond, VA in the early 1880’s. It was created by 13 slaves. The editor was the paper was Edmund A. Randolph and he even included his own art. The Richmond Planet was mainly about subjects the concerned African Americans; bring more attention to the inequalities African Americans faced.
- National Association of Colored Women (NACW)
- American Negro Academy
Formed in 1897, it became essentially an educational society seeking to promote science, art, literature, and higher education. One of the Academy’s main goals was to defend the black population from vicious attacks. For example, John L. Love wrote an essay, which was published by the Academy. It examined the measures that southern governments were using to disfranchise the black population, dissecting the recently revised constitutions of Mississippi, Louisiana, and South Carolina. Significantly, the Academy published analyses of African American racism and personal experiences.
They were the political party that blacks hoped would be more sympathetic to their cause, due to the Republicans' past actions in enacting the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth amendments. However, Republicans began to take the votes of the blacks for granted, and only made mild statements in favor of blacks, if they said anything at all.
While associated with Southern politics, the Afro-American Council also pleaded their case at the Democratic Convention in 1900. This was done to show the nonpartisan policies of the Council.
- Montgomery Conference
A conference for white citizens that would address “The Negro Problem.” Led by Reverend Edgar Gardner Murphy who had wanted to include blacks, but after pressure from others excluded them from coming. The African American community realized that this was not something that would help them and points at the conference had nothing to do with helping African Americans but asserting white supremacy claims. In retaliation, Fortune asked black journalists to write reports in order to show that white supremacy had no true claims.
- The Afro-American and Industrial Education
- National Negro Business League
An organization that Booker T. Washington wanted to form but many saw it as a threat to the Afro-American Council. Originally this idea of a league of business men had come from John H. Lewis and W.E.B. Du Bois but neither one continued out the plan. Washington took on the task with help from Du Bois. It met little protest except from a few people on the Council. They believed that leadership would be too thin because of the organization and that Washington only wanted the league because he could not have the Council. Yet, many more people agreed with Washington’s idea and people worked in both groups.
- Kansas Afro-American Council
A branch of the Afro-American Council in Kansas which was founded in 1901. Shortly after they were formed they appointed William H.Hudson President. Hudson and the one hundred other members immediate focus was to call upon Kansas Governor William E. Stanley with a request that he post a reward for the arrest and prosecution of the Alexander mob members. After being able to persuade Governor Stanley to offer a five hundred dollar reward for the apprehension and conviction of Alexander's murderers. These actions let the Kansas Branch to feel it could get blacks the same treatment that other races receive.
- "Unconstitutional Constitutional Convention"
- "New Grand Opera House"
- John Brown Day
A day of national celebration within the African Community towards one John Brown, a leading advocate for African American rights, equality, and justice. John found slavery repulsive due to his love for liberty, doing everything in his power to denounce such a horrible practice and institution.
- Philadelphia Convention of 1901
One of the most important Conventions due to the ongoing lawsuits that were being pushed through various courts. Money was needed in order to continue this pursuit within the law; therefore, the Convention not only highlighted the continual advancement of the Council, but it also highlighted that with money came more lawsuits, and money could be collected by the Convention, and the more money collected not only showed a larger membership, but a stronger mass following of people who believed in the Council.
- The murder of Sam Hose
One of the most heinous crimes of the century, which started from a simple verbal argument between Hose and his employer Alfred Cranford, escalated into a man hunt after Hose killed Cranford in self defense and fled the scene. Newspaper articles twisted the story and named Hose the black beast-rapist saying he killed Cranford, abused his baby and raped his wife. The white community's fear of Hose validated their desire to capture and endorse brutal reprisal. Upon capture, Hose was lynched, tortured by mutilation and burned to death while onlookers waited for pieces of his body to keep as souvenirs. This act brought about many African American leaders to seek action to end lynching.
- 2nd Annual Convention
The second annual Convention of the Council was held in Chicago in August 1899. The speakers at the conference stressed the need for moral, educational, political, and economic uplift of blacks. The Council also adopted resolutions stating their desire to stay in the U.S. (as opposed to emigrating), about the need for the Federal Government to enforce the 15th amendment, and the need for the Federal Government to put a stop to lynchings. This assembly was important because it was the most diverse assembly blacks had ever had, and after this assembly, the Afro-American Council was firmly cemented in the national and political scenes.
Legislation / Articles
- Grandfather Clause
AKA an old rule can apply to a new rule; that is, the continual practice of Jim Crow on new state laws. State voting law used to disenfranchise blacks and limit the effect they can have at the polls. Coming from the ideas of poll tax and literacy clauses, the Grandfather Clause is another way that blacks are being kept from voting. Claiming color blindness, the Grandfather Clause is able to pass through a trial that the Afro-American Council took on as one of many cases testing civil rights cases. Although the Afro-American Council was unsuccessful in getting rid of the Grandfather Clause, the author uses this case along with others to show one tool that the Council uses to try make changes to legislation in favor of their cause for civil rights. This tactic is common among many organizations throughout the decades of the movement.
- Fifteenth Amendment Resolution
This Resolution made the Federal Government liable for paving a way for the American citizen to the ballot box.
- Resolution Bill
Written by Edward E. Brown declared that lynching was in every ways contending unconstitutional and should be recognized by the federal government as such (123).
- Crumpacker Bill
Created by Edgar Crumpacker, an Indiana representative, who introduced the bill as a way of taking the essential parts of the Council’s Legal Bureau’s amendment in order to have it passed and accepted. The committee originally had not accepted the amendment, but with the bill they decided to support it. This way census takers would have to document the number of voters in each state so they could stop states from limiting the voting rights of the people.
- Mob Rule in New Orleans: Robert Charles and his Fight to the Death
Book written by Ida B. Well-Barnett about the horrific events that African American’s faced. The book is mainly about Robert Charles “fight for like” after he shot a white police officer(1900); which then leads to rioting. It also includes lynching records (which she studied) and also other numerous ways African Americans were killed and badly beaten during this time.
- Chandler Bill
- Mob Rule in New Orleans: Robert Charles and His Fight to Death</i>
Ida Wells' ongoing investigation of lynching not only enhanced the horrible practice and the atrocious predicaments these people were put in, but also brought forth the truth of lynching; that is, people were being lynched with illegitimate information due to falsification or lies. Wells' book told the story of the horrific lynching of Robert Charles hoping to not only bring to light the practice, but to also bring awareness to the details and the events that lead to the brutal murder of an innocent man.
- ( Note: The Council framed the Federal Government as the main suspect in allowing the ongoing violence to ensue. The Council in every way tried to bring the attention on the federal government through legislation passed within the council to further their lack of equal treatment as citizens under the Constitutional law. It was believed that if the Federal Government was made liable, the Federal Government might inevitably take action and step into the conflict while also preventing mockery towards the situation.)
Tuesday September 18
Thursday September 20
Summary of pages: 1-60, Lift every voice by Patricia Sullivan
Sullivan explains the beginnings of the NAACP through detailed accounts of various events and people, and its rise as an extreme political power. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) is important as a name to note because of its use of 'Colored.' It was felt that using the term 'Colored' would make the Association not just directed to African Americans but all all people of the darker skin. The creation of the NAACP was the first step to creating a stable and organized movement that could be relied on due to its apparent unification of all major groups and ideas that started to loose prestige due to internal political struggles, lack of a mass following, and financial situations. First, by setting a fixed price on membership (two dollars for membership, and 500 dollars for lifetime membership) the group was granted a steady income.
- Woodrow Wilson
Wilson was the first Democratic president to win after the Civil War. He faced two parties when campaigning for presidency, the Progressives under Roosevelt, and the Republicans under Taft. Wilson with the competition saw the potential following in the African American race, therefore, making it a point to mention that they were citizens of the United States and deserved to be treated as such; however, once in office, the government suddenly became heavily segregated, Wilson running off the idea that it was for the benefit of the African American race. After several large protests Wilson finally admitted to his failed leadership, and the NAACP became even more passionate about educating people and bringing them to their side of the argument.
- Kathryn Magnolia Johnson
Passionate about the racial problem, Johnson became one of the first people to thoroughly invade Middle America and educate the African Americans about their potential citizen rights; however, Johnson, not having her own family, traveled significantly educating people about the NAACP and spreading the word on the very powerful organization. It was in these travels that she saw how different each state was, and also, how different the situations were for African Americans. Her main shock was when she traveled from Texas to Louisiana, stunned by the sudden change, Johnson quickly took a stance to make it her obligation to again educate the people on their rights as citizens, also helping to bring light to a grave situation in the Deep South to their Northern comrades.
- Booker T. Washington
Washington is used by Sullivan to show the contrasting beliefs between civil rights leaders. Washington believed in the idea of racial uplift, which was not causing enough significant change in the eyes of the majority of the other leaders. He even experienced forms of alienation from other activists. While Villard invited him to an early form of an NAACP meeting to try and prevent ostracizing the fellow activist, Washington declined. The idea of pushing for extreme change was too radical an idea for Washington, who wanted to work within the black community and felt change would come from that tactic. While Washington is criticized by major leaders such as W.E.B. Du Bois, he stands strong to his beliefs in a manner that very well represents his ideas of racial change.
- Oswald Garrison Villard
One of the founders of the NAACP whose influence and power helped bring a significant rise to the NAACP. Villard felt passionate about the betrayal that African Americans were receiving from whites after the emancipation clearly stated their Constitutional rights as citizens of the United States. With this passion, he realized that the only way to make the NAACP stable was through federal intervention and heavy advertisement. In order to make these tactics work how African Americans were being treated needed to be brought to light (Neo-Slavery), and to start investigating these harsh treatments and broadcasting them to the public. Villard also was a white man who offered a sense of diversity within the group, allowing for both African Americans and whites to come together to solve the race problem and also allowing for the NAACP to have a larger membership.
Organizations & Newspapers
- The Crisis
A magazine widely distributed among NAACP members. Started and founded by Du Bois, this magazine was used to enhance the argument about the mistreatment of African Americans through accounts, news, and investigations. Du Bois knew that the only way to get people to understand the grave situation was to give them stories to understand and hear about. It documented everything from living conditions to the rising segregation in the North to the need to resist segregated schooling. What was important about this magazine was it connected people across the nation to a situation they might have known about, but never actually involved themselves in, allowing not only an audience once blinded by the situation to enter into the picture, but also to unite African Americans across the nation who saw what was happening but never actually thought they had a voice.
- Niagara Movement -
The organization gave structure and a voice to the core group of leading black professionals who shared anti-Washington beliefs. The creation shows a fissure in the black community of how civil rights should be obtained ;founded by W.E.B Du Bois in 1905.
- The Birth of a Nation
A widely publicized film that insulted the NAACP and allowed them to gain public sentiment. It was argued that the movie needed to be censored and that the director should take responsibility for creating such a horrible and down right atrocious film. At first the NAACP gained little momentum, but due to their passionate stance, cities such as San Francisco banned it's showing.
- Atlanta Erupts in riot
- National Negro Conference -
Major emphasis of the National Negro Conference was to define the southern system of racial segregation and disenfranchisement as a national problem with national consequences. Judge Wendell P. Stafford sums up the groups sentiment "We are confronted today not by a theory but by a fact: the deliberate and avowed exclusion of a whole race of our fellow citizens from their constitutional rights"
- Pink Franklin -
Franklin was a victim of the peonage system in the south. He had been convicted of murdering a law enforcement officer who broke into him house in the middle of the night, unannounced and with his gun drawn, to arrest Franklin for violating an agricultural contract. The case was popularized by the fact that the NAACP took up the case. On May 30, 1910, the U.S Supreme Court upheld Franklin's conviction. Oswald Garrison Villard, who was following the cast closely, worked tirelessly with all of his available contacts to try and repeal Franklin's convictions, from Booker T.Washington to members of the Taft Administration, to muster up support for petitioning the governor.With the help from two well connected white lawyers to bring attention to Governor Martin F. Ansel, Franklin's crime was commuted of his crime down to life in prison. In 1919, Franklin was pardoned of his crime.
Legislation / Articles
- Guinn v. the United States
Was an important US Supreme Court decision that dealt with provisions and potential changes of the state constitutions that rendered qualifications for all voters. It found that the grandfather clause exemptions to literacy tests to be unconstitutional and flat out wrongful. This was a big step forward in the advancement for African-American voting rights because the literacy tests were set up to be nearly unpassable for the average to the above average African-American voter. Once the literacy tests were disbanded, it allowed more of the African-American community's voice to be heard politically.**
Tuesday September 25
Eric Arnesen's Black Protest and the Great Migration Part 1
The Great Migration refers to the relocating of thousands of African Americans from the south to the metropolitan cities of the north between 1915 to the early 1918, following a brief, severe economic depression, and then continuing into the 1920s. Although this is the time period where African Americans migrated to the north, Arnesan argues that there had been migration prior to the World War I era. Arnesan explains the process known as shifting, where just under half of the South's African American sharecropping population migrated regionally from plantation to plantation. There is also a presence of seasonal migration, where African American men would work as laborers and women as domestic servants in harvesting off-seasons. Arnesan mentions the idea of exodus, referencing the migration of enslaved Israelites in comparison to African Americans spreading westward. By giving these examples as well as showing the racial prejudice that was extremely prevalent in the urban North through concepts such as residential discrimination, Arneson shows that migration was not a completely new idea only thanks to World War I and industrial opportunities in the north. Arnesen does argue, however, that the Great Migration gained rapid speed and popularity with the start of World War I. The labor force of the North shrunk as the war went on, providing opportunities for blacks to find jobs. Therefore, black men could now have the option of finding unskilled or semi-skilled work in the north as demand grew for production due to the war. Black men got their first taste of factory jobs and women worked in domestic jobs or in manufacturing jobs, such as on power sewing machines. The cost of living in the North was higher than in the South but blacks got paid much higher wages working in factories in the North that more than covered this change. However, the South was hit hard with heavy rainfall, creating flooding, and the overproduction of the boll weevil, which was an insect that destroyed large amounts of cotton fields. This economic downturn was in addition to the already miserable conditions for blacks due to segregation which was supported by the suppressive and invisible Jim Crow laws. The migration to the north was, therefore, spurred on due to all these unfortunate conditions. Many encouraged others to follow the trail to the north enhancing the idea of it being “the promised land.” It can also be noted that not all blacks endorsed this movement, nor participated. Some newspapers told people to stay out of fear of losing mass support in the South, and the possible inevitable existence of Jim Crow laws. Whites began passing laws to prevent the mass migration of blacks to the urban cities. These laws required law agents to register, receive official permission to hire workers, or pay high licensing fees before recruiting labor. Though the north was considered the “Promised Land,” in reality it had many social and racial problems. Conditions were better in the north due to better wages, housing, and no Jim Crow; however, African Americans butted heads with northern whites, labor unions, and European immigrants. Even though there were unions that tried to integrate workers, like the SLC (what Arnesen believes was the most ambitious of the labor organizations) tensions increased outside the company resulting in race riots and some companies' closings. In addition to opposition in the workplace, housing was another shortcoming due to the lack of accommodation. People who tried to find better living conditions in white neighborhoods encountered massive resistance, not only from the white population but from previously established African Americans who blamed the newcomers for the increased racial tension and violence. Overall, though, these conditions were better than those encountered in the South, which encouraged blacks to travel northward. While African Americans were dealing with hostilities in the North, major African American players were debating the importance of WWI within the NAACP movement. W. E. B. Du Bois believed that the war could benefit the African American community by providing more opportunities for them after fighting for their country in the war effort. On the other hand were those who opposed the war, and argued that time was better spent trying to receive democracy in America rather than fighting for others’ rights overseas.</p>
After World War I ended, there were considerable conflicts as soldiers began to come home. Arnesen makes a good point when he notes that the end of the war brought with it disillusionment to blacks who thought that their position would be improved after the conflict. Instead, whites were angry that blacks were given jobs that otherwise would never have been theirs due to the increased demand for labor; therefore, many race riots broke out in the north with an increased activity of white supremacy. New agencies within the federal government employed African-Americans, leading to a resentment of the government and the preventing of African American advancement. Arnesen points out that when blacks fought back against whites in Alabama, the whites claimed that blacks were planning to wipe out all the whites, and therefore justified killing blacks. When they were brought to trial, they were acquitted, but the NAACP worked and got the sentence overturned by the Supreme Court in Moore v. Dempsey. Overall, Arnesen argues, the efforts to recreate a pre-war atmosphere after World War I only slightly succeeded, but the post-war movement could not be stopped, migration continued, as did African American's fight for better living and working conditions, inevitably this would bring a slow end to Jim Crow.
- Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA)
<p><p><p><p><p>Fraternal organization founded in 1914 in Jamaica by Marcus Garvey. The organization later entered the United States in 1916. The UNIA campaigned against lynchings and racial inequalities (voting rights, Jim Crow, etc.) The organization believed strongly in integration. There were about 700 branches in 38 states; a very popular organization
The Stockyard Labor Council was a Chicago based union that sought to organize the entire packinghouse labor force, including African Americans. They invited black participation, used many black speakers, and taught white members to recognize discrimination, unlike many organizations of the time. In 1919 tensions reached an all time high as a five day race riot broke out that summer. This shattered and and all hopes the SLC had of bridging the racial gap
- Marcus Garvey
Jamaican politician whom started the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) in the early 1900’s and who's goals were to develop the black economic base by cultivating black capitalism, advocate for black self-determination, spread Christianity in Africa and promote racial consciousness. He believed that African Americans should be sent/go back to Africa. Many of his philosophies were similar to those of Booker T. Washington. His views were shared in the “Negro World”, which was a newspaper.
- W.E.B. Du Bois
Leader in the NAACP, Du Bois surprisingly supported America's role in WWI, on the hope that blacks serving in the military would help improve relations between races after the war was over.
- Woodrow Wilson
In order to conjure up black support for the war Wilson appointed Emmett Scott to a new position to watch for racial matters in the War Department. Wilson's goal was to generate black support in the time of war and to eliminate black dissent. While the U.S. military was segregated and blacks in fact did not receive equal treatment, Wilson's appointment achieved his goal. He was able to get the African American population's backing for the war when he attended the conference in 1918.
- Emmett Scott
He initially worked under Booker T. Washington as his secretary. President Wilson and his administration appointed Scott to a new position in the War Department concerning racial issues. This was done so that the government could gain the support of the African American population which was divided on the matter of supporting the nation in World War I.
- Robert Moton
As a conservative, Moton was Booker T. Washington’s successor at Tuskegee Institute in Alabama who had written to President Wilson in 1917 saying “the nation can count absolutely on the loyalty of the mass of Negros to our country.” This led to Wilson’s administration to secure black cooperation with the government’s efforts thus appointing Emmett Scott to a new position away from being Washington’s secretary. They both attended a conference where the delegates adopted resolutions supportive of the war effort.
- George Edmund Haynes
He was instrumental in merging these groups into one organization, named the National League on Urban Conditions Among Negroes (ULUCAN), known as the National Urban League. He served as its executive director from 1911 to 1918.Served as Director of Negro Economics in the United States Department of Labor. As a special assistant to the Secretary of Labor, he was involved in matters of racial conflict in employment, housing, and recreation.
- James Weldon Johnson
Writer and civil rights activist, who questioned if African American’s could hold the industrial advantage they had gained during the war. He opposed race riots in northern cities as well as having revived several local organizations for the NAACP. For the summer of 1919 the riots, Johnson coined the term “Red Summer” and organized peaceful protests against racial violence as a result.
- Bloody Summer of 1919
The climax of the racial counterrevolution where race riots spiked in approximately two dozen cities and towns. Different things such as rape rumors, labor tensions between black and white workers, whites trying to put blacks in their place and housing competitions are what triggered the mass uprising of riots throughout the south which ultimately started the Chicago and Arkansas Race Riots.
- Chicago Race Riot of 1919
- This riot was the largest outbreak of racial violence. When thousands of blacks had arrived to work in places such as steel mills, stockyards, and railroads, it doubled the city’s black population. Since this was during the war, when the armistice occurred, millions of ex soldiers were sent home, where they were left having to compete for jobs and housing with the new black population. Whites had attacked the black community for about five days, and led to around 38 dead and 500+ injured. The significance that separated this riot aside from the others was the mass numbers of those involved on either side. This was a huge setback for countering racial violence.
- Arkansas Race Riot of 1919
- Disagreements between black sharecroppers and white planters led to a demand for a fair settlement between the two parties. Their demands were anticipated to cause an adverse reactions by the planters, and so the sharecroppers began collecting weapons for protection. On Oct 1, 1919 whites opened fire on a black church but their fire was returned, causing an uproar and fear that black sharecroppers aimed to overtake the white populations. Local authorities and citizens stuck back killing at least 25 blacks and arresting hundreds more. All cases were conducted within 5 days but were later overturned when the NAACP initiated the court case Moore vs. Dempsey. All cases were overturned because none were subjected to a fair trial. Although, Moore vs. Dempsey was a victory, the riot proved that whites still were willing to quell any resistance by blacks by any means necessary. Hate crimes and unethical behavior by government officials was alive and well in the midwest just like in the South. Proving that there was no real safe haven for white on black crime in America.
- Moore v. Dempsey of 1923 -
The case resulted from the Elaine Race Riot in Phillips County, Arkansas, which followed the shooting death of a white railroad security employee on September 30, 1919 after shots were exchanged outside a church where a black tenant farmers union was meeting.Supreme Court ruled 6-2 that the defendants' mob-dominated trials deprived them of due process guaranteed by the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and reversed the district court's decision declining the petitioners' writ of habeas corpus.
- Harlem Silent March of 1917
- The first massive African American protest in American history took place on July 28th, 1917, in New York City. It was a silent parade, in protest of the East St. Louis, Illinois, massacre that happened on July 2nd, 1917; as well as all the violent events that was happening against African Americans around the country. This parade was organized by the NAACP. The riot in East St. Louis began when white men , angry because African Americans were employed by a factory holding government contracts, went on a rampage. Over $400,000. worth of property was destroyed. At least 40 African American were killed. This march was very significant because it was one of the first organized, peaceful protest.
- The Chicago Defender
A black newspaper which had the largest readership in both the North and South. The weekly paper strongly supported the migration to the North and berated the South for the low wages and lack of freedom given to the black population. The paper influenced many blacks to migrate north by telling of higher wages and freedom in the "land of promise."
- 1914 - The First World War begins. This causes a decrease in the number of immigrants to the United States, causing labor shortages in the North. African Americans in the South begin moving to the North to meet the labor needs.
- 1915- The KKK is re-established.
- 1916 - President Woodrow Wilson was reelected on the promise to keep the U.S. out of the war in Europe. Marcus Garvey founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA).
- 1917 - The U.S. enters World War I.
- 1917-1919- Women start moving from domestic jobs to factory and labor jobs due to the shortage of men to fill the labor force.
- 1919 - The summer of this year marked the most interracial violence in American history. Race riots broke out in over two dozen cities across America, including Chicago, Knoxville, Omaha, Charleston, and Washington, D.C. It was also the rise of Communism and Socialism, which would create the Red Scare of the 20's and influence the progression of the Civil Rights movement.
- 1920- Women are given the right to vote, and African American women encourage the use of this vote to help better their influence in the political arena
- 1921-1924- Congress passes laws to prevent heavy immigration from eastern Europe with the rise of the Red Scare and post-war America.
Thursday September 27
No Wiki Post Today
Tuesday October 2
Thursday October 4
Tuesday October 9
No Wiki Post Today
Thursday October 11
Raymond D'Angelo's "The American Civil Rights Movement" and Sean Chabot's "Transnational Roots of the Civil Rights Movement: African American Explorations of the Gandhian Repertoire."
The years immediately following World War II gave hope to civil rights activists that it was possible to attain their goal of racial, political and ecnomic equality for African-Americans. African Americans had higher wages and better jobs during World War II, and veterans returning back from overseas felt they had defended their Constitutional rights and should be considered citizens. After World War II, however, there was a new name for racism and White Supremacy, which was Hitler and the Nazi's. Many Americans saw this new racism as deadly and wrong, causing many to support the civil rights movement. Truman then turned his back on the Russians, in fear of Communism, created a red scare in the United States, and used this scare as a way of defeating his competition like Wallace in the political campaigns. Truman's liberal stance on the Civil Right's issue and his opposition to Russia divided the Democratic party. In the 1948 election, for example, Truman's narrow victory was because he directly appealed to the black population, such as touring the black ghetto in Philadelphia and being the first President to speak in Harlem. The fact that Democratic Truman had won votes from the South by talking to the African American and not the states' rights racist showed that the former had more clout in politics than anyone had previously guessed. Truman also appealed to labor, winning states like Ohio, Illinois, and California, which made a detrimental effect on his reelection. However, Truman's campaign really highlighted the developing Cold War while also realizing the colonial Revolutions going on across the world, for example, India and Nigeria.
This victory for Truman is especially significant when one considers the events of the 1946 senatorial election. When the voting booths opened for the Democratic primaries on July 2 in Mississippi, several African Americans were barred from voting by white mobs. Fortunately, racial violence did not break out, but in the following months, an investigation was opened to look into the incidents. The foremost man accused of preventing African Americans to vote was the Democratic candidate Theodore Bilbo. The committee gathered was stacked against the civil rights activists from the beginning. The senators on the committee were either openly discriminatory towards blacks or apathetic to the case. Despite having a far greater number of witnesses than expected, Bilbo was not convicted. Democrats in the U.S. Senate began a filibuster to prevent Republicans from taking action against Bilbo. Bilbo, due to medical reasons, stepped down in a manner that was intended to be temporary, but died only a few months later due to cancer of the mouth.
One of the most important problems facing American during the this time is the growing hostility with Russia and the beginning of the Cold War. Racial discrimination under Truman caused major problems in Japan and Russia who both used lynching and other forms of social suppression as a way of blackening America's ideals of liberty, life, and justice. Mocking the land of the free was a problem due to the many colonial Revolutions going on around the world. The United States and Truman realized that they needed to ally with these free countries in order to fight against the Soviets and Reds in Russia. However, many African Americans were still working under slavery conditions as either tenants or house maids. One good example is the continuing cotton farming in the Mississippi Delta, whose white plantation still practiced true southern gentile qualities. Many whites used this racial issue as a way of keeping poor whites in their place and preventing class disruption by uniting them under a racial front. The KKK also came back to life in the 1960's causing even more racial stress in the south. The NAACP was the only organization that was truly independent from whites. Blacks came together, with the strong support of the NAACP, to realize the most important thing to fight against now was for education, which Truman readily supported.
Chabot writes of international sources and influences for the American civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s in the form of the efforts of Mohandas Gandhi in India and South Africa. Even before Gandhi had labored to make India free, he had helped the rights of Indians in South Africa. It was in this arena that Gandhi first tried his nonviolent protest strategy to gain his political goals. The protests relied heavily upon the fact that peaceful people were being arrested and imprisoned unjustly by the police, ergo creating sympathy for Indians abroad. Gandhi's strategy was also a far more long-term idea than most people would attempt. He began his passive resistence in India in 1925, but did not achieve his goal of national independence until over twenty years of prison and punishment had passed. At a more personal level, this peaceful policy came from his Hindu beliefs in satyagraha. The purpose of satyagraha was to endure the resolution of the underlying causes of oppression. Gandhi's works in India led to his belief that harmony could only be accomplished by "mutual tolerance and respect at the grassroots level, not pacts between leaders at the elite level." He believed that ahimsa and satyagraha were the most powerful approach for fighting oppression and domination. One of the most important ideas regarding Ghandi's methods is that there were four steps to the nonviolent protests. Step one was attempting to solve the problem peacefully by getting in touch with the leaders of the country. If this didn't work, the movement would make the public aware of what was going on through newspaper articles. The third step was making ultimatum demands and engaging in more public demonstrations. Finally, the fourth step was that they pledged to remain nonviolent in any action they took, and only after those steps were they ready to participate in mass demonstrations. It was not until 1930 that African Americans considered adopting some of Gandhi's approaches and tactics. They were largely criticized and supported through the media in America. Although African Americans did not immediately embrace his ideals, Civil Rights Movement leaders in American used much of the same tactics that Gandhi did. They worked on founding organizations, they started newspapers, and they used aggressive rhetoric to get their point across, among other things.
- Franklin D. Roosevelt: President of the United States from 1933 to 1945.
- Harry S Truman: President of the United States from 1945 to 1953.
- Red-baiting: used antagonism with Russia that was growing as American and Russian interests collided to create hysteria and use it against his opposition in the election.
- Francis Biddle: As attorney general, he authorized the prosecution of members of lynch mobs for the first time in the history of the United States.
- Truman Doctrine: defined Communism and Russia as America's main enemies
- During his campaign for reelection, Truman issued two executive orders. He announced a policy for equal treatment in the army without regard to race, religion or national origin. At first they were not sure if this was supposed to integrate the armed forces but the army chief of staff said that the army would integrate only when the whole United States did so. After this Truman continued to pursue the African American vote in order to help with the election.
- A. Philip Randolph: Radical Civil Rights leader
- In 1941, he planned a march on Washington to coerce President Franklin D. Roosevelt into establishing a Fair Employment Practices Committee to ensure blacks were provided with jobs. The march was cancelled because Roosevelt issued an Executive Order, satisfying Randolph.
- Theodore Bilbo:
- Democratic senator of Mississippi who was ardently in favor of white supremacy. In the 1946 primary, Bilbo encouraged white citizens to physically bar African-Americans from voting.
- Allen Ellender:
- Chairman of the committee called to investigate the petition that whites had prevented blacks from voting in the aforementioned 1946 Mississippi primary.
- Ellender was a friend of Bilbo and made no secret of his bias. Attempts to derail efforts of the civil rights workers included rejecting a request that NAACP layers serve as formal counsel for witnesses, declining to subpoena blacks to testify, and refusing to summon reporters covering the campaign to verify their stories describing Bilbo's speeches.
- Medgar Evers:
- An African American soldier in World War II who when he returned home wanted to vote in his hometown of Decatur, Mississippi. Evers and other boys who lived in the town went to vote but were kept away by white men who stopped them from entering. These men were armed and Evers and his friends left to return with their own guns. Yet the mob still turned them away and Evers did not try to enter again. Even after fighting in a war for the safety of these people Evers and his friends were not recognized as real citizens that deserved a chance to vote.
- Charles Hamilton Houston:
- Black law professor and lawyer instrumental in legal cases concerning civil rights such as Brown v. Education. He believed that law could be used for social change and that it was a tool for minorities to use to obtain their rights. He started working for the NAACP in 1933. He was a veteran civil rights organizer known as "Mr. Civil Rights," fighting for the rights of African-Americans since the early 1930s.
- Mohandas Gandhi
- He worked as a civil rights activist for Indians in both South Africa and India, working for equal rights in the former and full independence from Great Britain in the latter. His nonviolent protests and "passive resistence" (as it was called) inspired leaders of the American Civil Rights Movement in the 1950s and 1960s, most notably Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
- Glady Noel Bates
- She argued that black teachers were not being paid as much as white teachers, forcing her to file a suit against the U.S. district court. Whites realized that to truly keep segregation it blacks have to be treated equally but can be seen as separate. This idea and Bates' argument made the way for the eventual Brown v. Board of Education.
- Davis Knight:
- A man who lived in Mississippi who believed he was a white man and married a white woman. Yet, Mississippi said that he was not white because his great-grandmother was black. Knight argued that she was a Cherokee but the Mississippi court ruled sentenced him to five years in a penitentiary. This is an example of Jim Crow laws that still continued in the south and what the laws believed to be justice.
- Governor White
- A Mississippi Governor who created the equalization plan that would eventually upgrade African American schools and support a voluntary segregation. White met with top Civil Rights leaders to discuss his new idea. In this ideal sense White creates the Legal Educational Advisory Committee.
- Fielding Wright
- Created the Dixiecrat movement in 1948. He called for true Jeffersonian Democrats and an end to the liberalism of Truman, which followed the New Deal and its relief programs that did not distinguish recipients by color, race, or gender.
- Americans for Democratic Action (ADA)
- This group had a double aim: to exclude communists from the liberal movement and to strengthen their own position with the Democratic party (DP). The ADA was solidly behind the anti-Communist direction of Truman’s policies at home and abroad. They felt that Truman was not really a liberal, because of his anti-labor politics and because they felt he was a sure loser and would take the DP and labor and the liberals down to defeat with him. From pressure of the Wallace campaign, the ADA now sought to shore up the DP’s weakest flank by turning to civil rights, which blacks had made an issue before the Wallace campaign. They challenged the president on the civil rights plank in order to strengthen it. They defeated the sitting president and defeated him within the party. They, rather than he, had determined one of the principal issues on which the campaign would run.
- George Vaugn
- He was black attorney from St. Louis and a member of the convention credentials committee. Spoke at the nominating convention of the Democratic party on July 13, 1948. He urged for Mississippi to be excluded from the convention because of its commitment to not support Truman if he was nominated as candidate and if his civil rights platform was adopted. His motion was defeated. This showed that the Democratic party was at war with itself over racial issues. The treatment of blacks emerged as a central issue for the first time ever in presidential election.
- Dr. T.W. Hill
- Successful business man and dentist, Hill was very understanding, which set him apart from most Civil Rights leaders. Hill realized the strength of whites in Clarksdale, reminding the NAACP that a branch would not be successful there since African Americans new the whites in the area too well. However, the NAACP created a branch in 1953.
- Henry Wallace
- Supported by labors, blacks, and the left since many saw Truman as a threat to Democratic ideals and did not support Truman's harsh stance against Russia. Blacks prefered Wallace over Truman because they felt Wallace was more sympathetic to southern needs. Truman, fearful of this threat, used the Communist support of Wallace to blacken Wallace's reputation and label him as a Red sympathizer. It did not help Wallace's reputation when he showed no support of the Truman Doctrine.
- Americans for Democratic Action (ADA)
- Democrats who did not support Truman because they believed he was not a true liberal because of his anti-labor stance. They wanted to exclude communists from the liberal movement and to strengthen their own power within the Democratic Party. They are important because they supported Civil Rights and got Truman to run with Civil Rights as part of his platform.
- Thurgood Marshall
- Supreme Court Justice(first African American) that served on the 96th justice. Mainly known for the Brown v Board of Education victory in 1954.
- Gandhi leads the Salt March, a campaign that attacked the British Salt Tax. These salt raids lasted over a year, until the government agreed to constructive dialogues about the future of India. However, the British government do not take this seriously, and Gandhi is incarcerated once more.
- World War II begins. Congressional leaders of make claim that they will not support the Ruling British Empire in WWII if they do not receive full national independence afterward, They are refused and a series of non violent protest campaigns begins. Displaying how effective a tool this form of protest was and how far its participants knew they could push the bounds of authority.
- Gandhi's Quit India Campaign
- was a civil disobedience movement started in India in August 1942 responding to Gandhi's call for immediate independence. The All-India Congress Committee proclaimed a mass protest demanding what Gandhi called "an orderly British withdrawal" from India. The call for determined, but passive resistance appears in his call to Do or Die, issued on August 8th at the Gowalia Tank Maidan in Bombay.
- Gandhi's Quit India Campaign
- World War II ends. While African-American veterans were hopeful that they would receive better treatment at citizens of the United States, they were not as optimistic as their forefathers after World War I.
- In the Mississippi Democratic primaries, white mobs are formed to prevent black citizens from voting.
- India becomes independent from Great Britain.
- Truman Doctrine
- stated that communism and Russia were Americans top enemies. Along with that Truman asked for financial and military aid for Turkey out of fear that it would be affected by communism.
- Presidential Election: Truman vs. Dewey. This demonstrates the new power that African Americans found in the voting polls following World War II. African Americans now had power to vote and power to determine the outcome of the presidential election and of many local offices. African Americans, the majority of which voted for Truman, carried the crucial states Truman needed to attain victory in this election. African Americans are finally able to use this new power and have some leverage to make their demands of social equality.
- Supreme Court declares segregation and its "separate but equal" policy of the South to be unconstitutional in the case Brown v. Board of Education.
- Salt Depot Raid
- On May 21, 1930 320 Gandhian activists were injured and 2 died in the Salt march from being brutally beaten by police after refusing to leave the area. It was later widely quoted as "one of the Indian Independence movements most dramatic scenes ever." This encounter later symbolized the fundamental injustice of British rule in India.
- Tolstoy Farm incidents
- Opened by Ghandi, it was a small self-sufficient community, with residents who were committed to satyagraha as a way of life. He called on a small group of sisteen women from his ashram to engage in civil disobedience of the court order by entering the Transvall colony from natal without permits and refusing to give their names to police officers. After this, he encouraged coal miners in nearby Newcastle to go on strike. Forced to react, government officials ordered the police to arrest these nonviolent women and sentenced them to three-month jail terms, causing a public outcry in Aouth Africa, India and Great Britain. A series of strikes and marches were continued by Indian laborers throughout South Africa. This provoked yet more violent retaliation by government officials.
- Black Act
- Took effect on July 1, 1907 when Indian activists created the Passive Resistance Association. Participants willingly suffered police abuse without resulting in violence and surrendered to arrest and going to jail. Even though the impact of this campaign was minor the actions of the participants were encouraging. Gandhi was satisfied with the actions during the Black Act but he was not fond of the term "passive resistance" because he felt it did not capture the originality of the nonviolent protest. He opted for the phrase Satyagraha instead, meaning holding firm to truth.
- Smith v. Allwright , Decision with regard to voting rights and racial desegregation. It overturned the Democratic Party's use of all-white primaries in Texas, and other states where the party used the rule.
- Took effect on July 1, 1907 when Indian activists created the Passive Resistance Association. Participants willingly suffered police abuse without resulting in violence and surrendered to arrest and going to jail. Even though the impact of this campaign was minor the actions of the participants were encouraging. Gandhi was satisfied with the actions during the Black Act but he was not fond of the term "passive resistance" because he felt it did not capture the originality of the nonviolent protest. He opted for the phrase Satyagraha instead, meaning holding firm to truth.
Thursday October 18
Glenda Gilmore's Defying Dixie Chapter Nine
In Glenda Gilmore’s book Defying Dixie, chapter nine, “Cold War Casualties,” she discusses how Communism was not a helping factor in the Civil Rights Movement but a damaging one. Many people have argued that Communism helped civil rights because it stood for social equality and only worried itself with different social classes, not racial categories. Many African Americans and others enjoyed this concept because they thought they would be able to gain equal rights and a better life through Communism. Communism also helped because when newly freed African countries were deciding to support other places, like the Soviet Union or the United States, they had to look at what each place was doing. The Soviet Union would look more appealing to the African countries because they supported equal rights and wanted to help others. The United States however, would look worse because they had no real civil rights helping the people. So people believed this would make America more open to civil rights in order to keep the Africans on their side. Yet, Gilmore did not see the communist movement as helpful to the civil rights. Instead of helping, it brought more attention to the civil rights leaders who were then accused of being communists and finally arrested. This meant that there were less people to lead the movement and less people to depend on to help the cause. HUAC was formed at this time and caused even more people to be arrested and tried for Communism, mostly liberal people who wanted to help others and the African Americans. By taking away all the people who stood for something in the Civil Rights Movement, the government and Communism slowed down the movement. In chapter nine of Defying Dixie Gilmore gives examples and stories of why Communism was not helpful. She begins and ends with Pauli Murray, in any sense of the term, a successful African American woman. Murray was a lawyer, a writer, and an activist. She fought for many years to desegregate graduate schools and wanted to attend the University of North Carolina. By the time it was desegregated it was too late for Murray to attend, the school had nothing to offer her in an area of a higher degree than what she already had. However, she continued to work successfully as a lawyer. Her dream job came very close to her when she applied to be the general counsel of the EEOC. Yet, she was not able to get this job after her name was sent to the White House. Because she had been a Communist once before, she was not allowed to have this government job. Communism stopped one of the greatest African American and women’s civil rights leaders from holding a position of power and being able to help many more people. Gilmore continues to discuss how Communism affected civil rights and on page 414 she says that... “anti-Communism and the coming of the Cold War did create a Red Scare that removed white liberal forces from southern politics at the very moment that they were crucial to the extension of meaningful political and civil rights to the vast majority of black Southerners. “ Once again she shows that Communism is taking away people instead of helping the people. Civil Rights and Communism became the focus point of the Election of 1948. Frank Graham wanted the University of North Carolina to desegregate and because of this the people who wanted to keep the school segregated began calling Graham a “Communist tool.” On man attacked Graham and his loyalty during a Senate meeting based on the words of a man named Paul Crouch. Another man stood up for Graham and he continued to run for election for the empty seat in the Senate. His main opponent was a man named Willis Smith who used many dirty tactics to make Graham look horrible. After so many false advertisements were made about Graham, Smith ended up winning. Because people associated Graham with Communism, others who had supported him no longer wanted him. Communism hurt another strong Civil Rights leader. An attack by anti-Communism also happened to Junius Scales. Scales was a patriot but also a Communist and when the government realized this, they no longer treated Scales with dignity. Later he would become the first white officer of the Southern Negro Youth Congress and like others, Scales became more open with Communism. He admitted that he was Communist on October 29, 1947. His announcement caused him trouble and even his friends turned against him. The FBI began to follow him and finally they arrested him under the Smith Act. Scales was accused of belonging to the Communist party which “advocated violent overthrow of the government.” Even though no real evidence was brought against him, Scales was convicted “of advocating violent revolution…” This decision was appealed and went to the Supreme Court and at the same time Scales stopped being a member of the Communist party. The Supreme Court sent him back to Greensboro to be tried again. Once again the jury found him guilty. Scales mother paid his bail and eventually he was released for a second time. The FBI also followed Max Yergan. They wanted to know about his act ivies in Comintern Apparatus and all the other people who were involved. They finally caught him when he received money from a woman to keep their private letters safe. But the charges disappeared and the FBI sent him to Africa and then he went to Berlin. Then the FBI hounded him to testify against people who appeared to be Communists. When he started to slack in his performances he realized that he had to do what the FBI said because they owned him. As more people began to gain their independence, Yergan saw Communism as the factor behind it. Yergen stirred up more hysteria with visiting places like South Africa and blaming apartheid on the rest of the world. All of these stories show the different ways Communism kept people from being great leaders in their community, how it helped to persecute people who had no reason to be persecuted, and how it was used to make people do what the government wanted them to do. Communism did not help the Civil Rights Movement, as some believed, it stopped forward movement because it created hysteria.
Tuesday October 23
Stephen Tuck, "Three Steps Forward, Two Steps Back" AND "The Civil Rights Movement"
The year 1948 brought lots of hope to African Americans for the future. There were many large steps forward, such as African Americans gaining spotlights, whether in pop culture or sports, Ralph Bunche was the first nonwhite person to win the Nobel Peace Prize, the NAACP won large court cases, and President Truman made changes to advance civil rights. However, things began to take a turn for the worse as President Truman worked to push nondiscrimination into government and military contracts, but the power of the filibuster was proven when the order made it to Congress. The filibuster was able to halt progress--the NAACP worked to reduce its strength so that new civil rights bills could be passed. Unfortunately, Truman began to overlook the civil rights actions, such as the agenda of To Secure These Rights, because of the stubborn Congress and the looming Cold War.
However, the Supreme Court provided civil rights activists opportunities for advancing African Americans. During the year of 1950, the NAACP won every case that it decided to bring to the Supreme Court--but unfortunately the Court was not able to enforce laws, so even though new laws were passed, they were ignored and not put into practice. The cause that activists were fighting for differed per region. In northern cities, activists fought for fair employment and housing legislation; whereas activists in some southern cities were fighting segregated schools and buses. Tuck clearly stated that although activists were fighting for the desegregation of schools, it wasn't for the privilege of going to school with white children--they simply wanted access to equal resources. Overall, Tuck argues that although civil rights organizations were very good at winning court cases and gaining rights on paper, their biggest problem was gaining rights in real life. The implementation of the laws were the problem that kept them going "one step back" each time.
The 1950s greatly advanced African Americans in pop culture. They began starring in big movies, African American music made its way onto most radios, and African Americans became huge sports stars. Unfortunately, negative stereotypes still existed. New York re-released the Birth of a Nation, but New Yorkers picketed and were able to cut the film short. Tuck mentioned that some African Americans did not appreciate the integration into pop culture because it took what they did best and shared it with everyone else. Except for in the case of professional baseball, where African Americans were excited to get the same opportunities as whites, and play professional baseball.
Tuck explains how in the North activists fought mainly against segregation in schools and public facilities while activists in the South fought mainly for jobs and housing. Robert Weaver identified housing as the nation's "number one civil rights problem." Blacks were barred from moving into certain suburb neighborhoods, most notably those founded by William Levitt. Levittowns were created as the perfect white community; including parks and pools. African Americans were not allowed to live there, but the NAACP formed the National Committee against Discrimination Housing, persuading whites to sell homes to blacks. The owners of the Levittowns were furious, but they were eventually able to attract enough attention to make changes. African Americans tried to fight housing segregation by pressuring officials into passing legislation, like they did with many other issues such as employment, with the NAACP. But ultimately they experienced some of the same outcomes that they had previously, they were not successful on the local level.
After the Supreme Court passing of Brown v. Board of Education, outlawing segregation in schools, there was a huge white backlash. The White Citizens Council convinced all but three southern senators to sign an agreement to try to reverse the decision. The Virginia legislature passed a law requiring schools to integrate, and the governor chose to instead simply shut down public education. The NAACP quickly took notice and was able to force three of the school districts to accept integration. In Little Rock, the first nine African American students to integrate the high school faced great opposition from mobs and the National Guard, positioned by Orbal Faubus, the governor, to block them from entering the school. Eventually, Eisenhower was forced to take notice; he responded by sending paratroopers to force the school to allow the students to enter.
Tuck also discusses the importance of Rosa Parks' brave act of refusing to give up her seat on one of the Montgomery buses, sparking the large Montgomery bus boycott that lastsed 380 days, ending only when the Supreme Court ruled against bus segregation. This direct action spread quickly throughout the years of 1960 and 1961. The NAACP was slow to accept it, but finally did; along with CORE, led by James Farmer.
The Southern economy began to change dramatically, creating large disparities between the middle class whites and the elite. Tuck discusses the lack of fear from the elites of African American integration because they believed that they would be unaffected by it, due to the lack of African Americans in high earning jobs and living in grand neighborhoods. This created a dilemma for the middle class whites because they now had two groups of people that they were fighting.
Many new activist groups were created during this decade, but the motivation began to change from pushing for rights to fighting for power. Black Power began making a name, starting with Stokely Carmichael. The Nation of Islam also rose in importance, and reached out to Malcolm X while he was in jail. Malcolm X began enacting the ideals of pride, and starting a revolution; but eventually ended up leaving the Nation.
On August 28, 1963, the famous March on Washington, along with the "I Have a Dream" speech by Martin Luther King Jr. the March advocated economic and social equality, but most people derived the call for moral change and an end to segregation. This was the event that pushed King to the forefront of the Civil Rights Movement, and eventually led to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
During this time period activists were starting to see a lot of advancements in their fight for equal rights. In 1956 the black residents of Montgomery won the bus desegregation, in 1954 the Brown decision ruled against school segregation and in 1957 President Eisenhower intervened to secure integration of school in Little Rock, Arkansas. While these were some major accomplishments, there were also a couple of major setbacks. In 1955 Brown II decision refrained from demanding swift school integration. Local fair employment laws were also being barely enforced and white residents of northern cities fought to preserve the de facto color line.
Key Actors and Influences
- NAACP - In 1950, NAACP passes anti-communism resolution at the Nation convention as the links to communism rise and as red scare sweeps the United States. The 1950's will see the NAACP win all of their cases in the Supreme Court.(Brown v. Board of Education)
- President Harry S Truman
- President Dwight D. Eisenhower
- President from 1953-1961 believed that it was not the governments business to get involved with Civil Rights affairs. Though he did send to troops to aid with African American students entering a white high school, his initial treatment towards the Civil Rights movement stood on the lines of little to no government interference.
- Thurgood Marshall
- Brooklyn Dodgers
- The home of Jackie Robinson, a very talented African American baseball player in 1947. Jackie Robinson had to face a lot of criticism, however due to the fact that this was the first time an African American was allowed to play in the all-white league. The Brooklyn Dodgers represented the integration of American sprots.
- Criticised by Klan Grand Dragon Samuel Green who stated “the Atlanta baseball club was breaking traditions of the south and will have to pay for it.” This was in response to the Dogers allowing Jackie Robinson, an African American to play ball on the team. Despite the negativity from whites, Robinson turned out to be a success for the team as he stole home within the first inning. This ignited race leaders to double their efforts to improve black image in popular culture.
- Donald and Betty Howard
- Both had lived together Betty’s grandmother’s home in Chicago but decided to move to an apartment of their own. Donald was a postal worker, so finacing the move shouldn’t have been too difficult. The problem was that the Howards were “Negroes.” Donald found that suitable apartments were unavailable in the white sections of town and were too expensive in the over-crowded black sections. Betty happened to see a sign advertising apartments outside of the Chicago Housing Authority’s new Trumbull Park and stopped to put her name down. She did not realize this was an all-white housing project, and the receptionist did not realize that light skinned-Betty was black. When the Howards realized the mistake, they decided to go ahead anyways, although they suspected they might run into some trouble. When words got out after they moved in, the project manager told them they had to leave. After refusal, a paving stone was crashed through their window. Violence continued for two weeks, but not only for the Howards. Random black motorists were also being attacked. This event resulted in the CHA’s announcement that all-white projects would be open to African American’s but only when law and order could be maintained. White mobs lit fire to all four projects. Donald was arrested for firing shots at a gang, but he denied the charges. The whole event of the Howards outraged the black community. For the first time in its history, the Chicago NAACP fought in the streets as well as in the courts.
- William and Daisy Myers
- Martin Luther King Jr.
- Rosa Parks
- on December 1,1955, Parks refused to give her seat on a bus up to white passengers. She was arrested, which enraged the African American community, because she was well known and well liked. This was a direct cause of the Montgomery Bus Boycotts. She was also active for the local NAACP before her arrest.
- Southern Christian Leadership Conference
- Fred Shuttlesworth
- Nation of Islam
- Elijah Muhammad
- Malcolm X
- Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
- Headed protest campaigns, mainly sit-ins during the 1960's.
- Organization formed by James Farmer after the sit-ins in the early 1960’s began to occur. Through CORE, Farmer wanted to see if Boyton v. Virginia was actually being upheld. The ruling stated that interstate commerce must not be segregated. In order to test this Farmer and other volunteers went on a freedom ride.
- President John F. Kennedy
- The first president who was really forced to pay attention to the issue of Civil Rights. He was under a lot of pressure to help the Civil Rights cause by leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr.
- Jackie Robinson
- Allowed the Civil Rights to break into popular culture due to his growing fame in Baseball. This helped improve African American image within the eyes of typical Americans, while also allowing the businessman to see potnetial mass consumerism within the African American population.
- Louis Armstrong
- James Meredith
- A 29 year-old Air Force Veteran who sought transfer from an all black Jackson State College to Mississippi’s revered university Ole Miss. He did not consult with NAACP lawyers or even with Mississippi civil rights leaders. After a year, the Supreme Court ruled that Meredith must be admitted on September 30, 1962. Black Americans praised Meredith but condemned President Kennedy’s lack of leadership. On the day of his first class (in which he took American history), he realized he would probably soon be on the curriculum. 40 years later, his son graduated from the same university at the top of his class. Meredith's case sparked a major change in the segregation of universities.
- "Bull" Connor
- Deacons for Defense
- Ranch style bungalow houses that catered to Caucasians only. It was Jim Crow ideals only with a two car garage. Even though Middle Class African Americans were moving away from the ghetto onto the outskirts of these suburbia villages they were violently forced out of these areas if infiltrated, or were not allowed a purchase due to terms and conditions.
- The mob actions taken towards the Myers prompted the national government to act, also giving way to Kennedy's execute order 11063 guaranteeing equal opportunity in federally funded housing. This violent mob showed that racism was not just a Southern problem but a national problem.
- Dixiecrats of 1948
- Emmitt Till 1955
- A 14 year old boy was beaten to death by white men after supposedly grabbing a white women and saying vulgar things to her. He came down to Chicago to visit his uncle in Mississippi. His mother insisted on an open casket to show the world the atrocity that happened to her son. Then men who killed him were acquitted by an all white jury. This showed how racist the southern court system still was.
- The Little Rock Nine
- Elizabeth was prevented from entering a white school in Little Rock, Arkansas when they were trying to intergrate schools for the first time in that city. Due to the heavy mob, forcing her to be taken back home in tears. Eisenhower hears of the matter and sends federal troops to guard the 9 students admitted into the school from the mob preventing their entry. One was forced to leave after she dumped chilli onto another person for mocking her, leaving only 8 African American students.
- Orval Faubus
- Governor of Arkansas, Faubus ordered the National Guard to prevent the Little Rock Nine from entering the school.
- Gene Smith
- R&B influence
- African American radios
- 1949 Housing Act
- Act passed to get rid of inadequate housing (slums) and provide adequate housing. Also with providing better living the conditions, when it came to building houses and living in them, there had to be no segregation. Which meant everyone had an equal chance for healthy living conditions.
- NAACP formed the National Committee Against Discrimination in Housing
- Executive Order 11063
- Signed in 1962, it prohibited any type of discrimination when it came to property or facilities owned by the government. It also banned segregation in government assisted housing.
- Montgomery Bus Boycott
- A political and social protest campaign against the policy of racial segregation on the public transit system of Montgomery, Alabama. During this event, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat to a white person. Rosa Parks was jailed until December 20, 1956, when a federal ruling, Browder v. Gayle took effect, and led to a United States Supreme Court decision that declared the Alabama and Montgomery laws requiring segregated buses to be unconstitutional. This was one of many significant victories for the Civil Rights Movement because it showed that freedom from segregation and discrimination can be achieved without violence.
- Little Rock Nine
- First nine African-American students to attend a previously all white school. The school was Little Rock Central High. The desegregation of the school took place in 1957 in Little Rock, Arkansas. The nine students had to be escorted into the school by military troops so ensure their safety.
- Freedom Rides
- Rides formed through CORE and by James Farmer to test the ruling of Boyton v. Virginia. Fourteen volunteers went on the ride and in Alabama they experience violence. People tracked down the bus and threw a cocktail at the bus setting it on fire. The sheriff, instead of helping the Freedom Riders, called hate groups so they would know where to go. The people viciously beat the Riders and they could not finish the ride for themselves. Others came in to finish the rise and they two beat in Montgomery.
- Kelly Ingram Park
- Voter Registration Project
- Detroit's March for Freedom
- Northern Grassroots Leadership Conference
- March on Washington
- Civil Rights Act of 1964
- outlawed major forms of discrimination against racial, ethnic, national and religious minorities and women.It ended unequal application of voter registration requirements and racial segregation in schools, at the workplace and by facilities that served the general public
- Voting Rights Act of 1965
- outlawed discriminatory voting practices that had been responsible for the widespread disenfranchisement of African Americans in the U.S.
- Selma Campaign
- Bloody Sunday
- Betty Jean Owens Rape
Why is it significant that Tuck titled a chapter "The Civil Rights Movement, 1960-1965"?.
It is important that Tuck named this chapter “The Civil Rights Movement, 1960 – 1965” because he is trying to figure out why there was a sudden arrival of protests during this time period. He wondered what was new about the 1960s that did not happen in previous years, and many people believed that this time was actually good to the African Americans. Tuck believes that African Americans began to protest more because they were influenced by the speeches they heard around them, mainly supported from Martin Luther King Jr. and Ghandi.There was a new support for non-violence influenced from Ghandi. The leaders of the Civil Rights Movement looked at how Ghandi influenced the new social change in India. He preached non-violent methods in which the protesters must be willing to accept self suffering in order to help the overall cause. One of the biggest changes in the 1960s though was the new opportunity African Americans had to protest that they never had before. Changing politics and slowly changing opinions opened the door to African Americans to really begin to fight for their own rights successfully. But after the protests started out so strong, as time went on they became less effective. Even after five years of political success, including Lyndon Johnson’s Voting Rights Act , African Americans still had a lot to do to gain the rights they deserved.
What does that say about how Tuck sees the period between 1954 and 1965?
<p><p><p>What are they key moments of transition in these chapters?
Thursday October 25
Amy Murrell, “The ‘Impossible’ Prince Edward Case: The Endurance of Resistance in a Southside County, 1959-64,” Adina Black, “Exposing the ‘Whole Segregation Myth’: The Harlem Nine and New York City’s Desegregation Battles,” Walker, The Ghost of Jim Crow, D’Angelo, The Civil Rights Movement
Following the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision of 1954 there was a variety of responses from the south. The south employed methods to either directly defy the Supreme Court’s ruling or to legally evade it.
While many states had employed various uses of massive resistance to the Brown v. Board decision, the case in Prince Edward County stands out. Citizens of the Prince Edward County were not willing to integrate their public schools. They did comply to bring black public schools up to date with the white public schools in the county. However, they were not ready to truly integrate the white public schools. In a meeting at Longwood University, complied of citizens of Prince Edward County, it was decided that the best form of action to take was to close all of the public schools to resist integration. This decision was easily made because the men leading the meeting were part of a group known as the Defenders. They swayed the minds of the undecided parents and when two men tried to protest the decision, the whole crowd cut them off before they could finish. With this closing, it was then understood that all white students would attend private schools throughout the county. Using the Constitution as their reference the citizens decided that they were in their legal rights to close public schools. Other citizens, however, refused to speak out against the community, in fear of being rejected from the community. Prince Edward County received many letters of satisfaction and praise across the country for refusing to conform to integration. Other southern states that were looking to evade and defy the Supreme Court ruling looked to Prince Edward County as a model. However, the price of private schools became harder and harder to afford for the poorer white class, and students were being refused entry into public schools unless they paid their bill. Kennedy, president of the United States at the time, heard about this situation due to its mass publication in various newspapers. After four years of this situation, Kennedy gave out an Executive order forcing Prince Edward County to open its doors to both black and white children. However the county still resisted and would ostracize any whites that tried to enroll in the integrated schools.
<p><p><p>Everything that happened in Prince Edward County during the struggle for integration was written in the Herald Newspaper. The newspaper was a supporter of segregation and when some Virginian schools decided to no longer use massive resistance, the publisher called it a "Blue Monday."
Meanwhile, in Mississippi Governor J.P. Coleman searched for a way to legally evade the Supreme Court ruling and to keep the federal government from intervening in his state. While engaging the NAACP in a propaganda battle over the image of Mississippi he thought that civil rights activists and white extremists compromised the state's image, hoping to fight civil rights he tried to buy black support. Coleman recognized that the state could no longer officially exclude students from school based on their race. By implementing a new policy known as pupil placement, the state could discriminate against students based on “health,” “aptitude,” “intelligence,” and “moral background” – all classifications that Coleman felt were associated with race. This way the state could still keep segregation in their state, but technically comply with the Brown decision. Coleman sought to distance himself from the extremists in the state because he had seen how extremism had only failed and brought about federal intervention. However, by attempting to make it seem that he was going along with the federal government to keep them from interfering with his state, many voters thought that he was too compliant and some even saw him as pro integration, although he worked very hard to keep Mississippi integrated.
As the focus of the nation was on the south as it continually refused integration, a group of women known as the Harlem Nine attempted to bring attention to the unequal education being given to their children in comparison to white public schools. In protest, these mothers pulled their children out of school. Getting called the Harlem Nine in reference to the Little Rock Nine, made the point that the North was just as segregated as the south, and the idea of separation did not apply. This hit a hard note with New Yorkers since they hated being compared to the segregated South. The school board superintendent William Jansen even stated that he'd rather they call it 'separation' because segregation was something they had in the South, not the North. These mothers argued, that the teachers of the black schools in Harlem were mostly substitute teachers that were teaching a subject that they were not certified in. Teacher vacancies in black and Puerto Rican schools were 20 percent higher than in white schools. There was not enough room for all of the classes in the black schools. The Mayor made a board to investigate the black public schools, coming to the conclusion that the mothers were right, separate education did not mean equal education, and it would be better if both black and white students went to the same school. A church opened its doors to these African American children that had no where to go to school offering private tutoring. However, the school board was actually impressed on the education, which went against the point that these mothers were trying to make. After that, the mothers decided that the only way to get attention was to blatantly ignore compulsory education. Finally, with the evidence accumulating, the mothers won in the trials, and the students were sent to a more appropriate school in Harlem. What is important about this New York case is how active the mothers were in the children education, and how much voice African American women actually had in the black community. Their influence gave way to the point that women could be just as effective in the Civil Rights movement as men.
The south insisted that educational segregation was not unconstitutional and that it did not in any way violate the 14th amendment. They even went as far as to write the Southern Manifesto, which was signed by senators and representatives of eleven southern states. While the states employed different tactics to refrain from integrating their schools, the south was unified on the idea that they would not integrate their schools, and the north was just as guilty, making it a national problem rather then a southern problem. However, it is important to take note that in Prince Edward case, this hostile situation was still prevalent in the 1996-1997 school reunion, proving the point that it truly is a Long Civil Rights Movement.
Key Actors and Terms
- Barbara Johns
- Leader of the strike on April 23, 1951 which was used to combat the extremely poor school conditions African Americans were forced to live with. This protest keep nearly 400 students out of class for two weeks. It then got the attention of the NAACP who agreed to help them with their case if the parents and students agreed to sue for the end of segregation. Even though a lot of African American parents were hesitant with this idea, for fear it would cause uproar with their white neighbors, many agreed to this act. The court case Dorothy Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward County was filed on May 23, 1951, which was later incorporated with the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka.
- Rev L. Francis Griffin
Worked with the students organized by Barbara Johns to get attention of NAACP officials in Virginia. Worked as a moderator between the NAACP and black families to reach an agreement about how the situation should be addressed in a legal sense. Without his support its tough to say if this fight would have gotten anywhere. If Johns identified and spoke out about this problem it is Griffin who allowed it to become a legitimate battle in school integration.
- The Farmville Herald
- A newspaper that tracked the desegreation (or lack of) process in Prince Edward County VA. One man was a colmnist for the paper, Wells, and he agreed with everything they segregations say.
- J. Barrye Wall
- Defenders of States Sovereignty and individual Liberties
- Louis Dahl
- Principal Rash
- Rev. Mr. Kennedy
- Prince Edward County Christian Association
- Marvin Schlegel
- Gordon Moss
- Professor at Longwood University, Moss was a white moderate who was initally hesitant about integration. However, his duty and profession as an educator pushed him to support integration in order to prevent illiteracy among children. Further dealings with proponents of private school systems caused Moss to move towards a more pro-integration stance, and increased his criticisms of the closing of public schools.
- “Bush League”
- Vera Allen
- Stands for Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. Formed in the 1960s by students at Shaw University. They were known for their sit-ins and freedom rides.
- Citizens for Public Education
- Emmett Till
- Till was a teenager from Chicago that was brutally murdered while visiting his uncle in Mississippi for the summer of 1955. He was murdered by two white men after making a sexual comment to a white woman. The two men, Milam and Bryant, were acquitted by an all white jury, but later confessed to the murder, and gave bloody details about how they had done it. Till's mother gave her son an open casket funeral in Chicago. Pictures of Till's mangled and unrecognizable body were printed in magazines and caused national outrage. This violent act was an example of the racial conflicts Coleman thought would increase with desegregation.
- J.P. Coleman
- Attorney General and then Governor of Mississippi in 1956. He promised to solve racial problems through legal means, such as through the courts, in order to maintain peace in Mississippi and give the states a positive national image. Coleman was afraid of integration because he thought it would increase violence. This meant that he saw Brown v. Board of Education as a threat to Mississippi. As a response, he began removing race as a reason for segregation, and instead implemented segregation based off factors that were linked with race, such as academic performance. Coleman is an example of ways in which segregation was avoided in the south.
- Citizens Council
- Sovereignty Commission
- Pupil Placement
- The Little Three - Brady, Eastland, and Williams
- After the Brown decision, these three decided that defiance was the best means to keep segregation. Coleman disagreed because he thought that defiance would just force the authorities to get involved, making them integrate faster than if they found legalistic loopholes to the Brown decision.
- Roy Wilkins
- Civil Rights leader, mainly known from being a leader of the NAACP. Was the editor was a newspaper in Kansas City called "The Call"
- Law Enforcement Advisory Commission (LEAC)
- A committee designed to provide legal reasons to continue segregation in Mississippi.
- Clinton Melton
- Kenneth Clark
- An African American psychologist who claimed Harlem schools had deteriorated. He characterized the two prior decades as “a stage of educational decline” for African American student’s in the city’s schools and called for a study of these conditions. His analysis was attacked by high administrators within the Board of Education, which was only three months before the Brown decision. Backed by the Intergroup Committee of New York’s Public Schools, the board could not readily dismiss Clark’s Charges. He succeeded in getting the board’s attention only after the Brown decision. He argued that segregation stigmatized and damaged black children.
- Commission on Integration
- Set up to evaluate the findings of the Public Education Association's report, it addressed the issue of how to staff the predominately black and Puerto Rican schools and the configuration of neighborhood boundaries for defining local school zones. Even though the commission revealed the parents attitudes toward the school conditions it yielded few changes or improvements.
- William Jansen
- Ella Baker
- One of the lesser known civil rights leaders, she was most famous for being a part of SNCC, and also worked with the NAACP. She was big on African American economic power and women's rights. She worked along side many other famous leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. and helped organize sit-ins and boycotts.
- Judge Polier
- Ruled in favor of the Harlem parents who's children attended a junior high that caused them to receive inferior educational opportunities by reason of racial discrimination. She stated that regardless of whether segregation is a result of governmental action or private housing segregation the separation of children by race disables equal educational opportunities. Her decision was hailed by black press at the time as the first northern decision against de facto segregation in public schools. In her decision she argued that the North could no longer hide behind de facto segregation as an excuse for inferior educational facilities.
- Little Rock Nine
- A group of African-American students enrolled in Little Rock Central High School in 1957. The students were initially prevented from entering the racially segregated school by Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus, and then attended after the intervention of President Eisenhower. The event was important because it came shortly after the decision to desegregate all schools due to the Brown v. Board of Education hearing.
- Harlem Nine
- A group of parents kept their sons and daughters out of a Harlem high school in 1958. The parents claimed that their children, at a segregated school, were not receiving an equal education to white students in the city. The parents were charged with illegally keeping their kids out of school and were taken to court. Four of the parents were found guilty while two were found innocent. Judge Justine Polier made a landmark decision when she found the two parents innocent and charged the New York Board of Education with offering inferior educations to black students.
- Murder of George W. Lee and Lamer Smith
- Emmett Till
- Dorothy Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward County
- This is the official court case that brought the issue of segregation in Prince Edward County schools to a national forefront. Parents from Moton High School, the African American school of the county, supported the case after failed protests and strikes. The court case was taken on by the NAACP to desegregate schools and later became a key component in the case Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. The case was not supported by the white community of Prince Edward and the white newspaper the Farmville Herald wrote that the issue should be dealt with on a local level and both races had "mutual respect". However, this difference in opinion shows whites push for segregation while African Americans were utilizing organizations such as the NAACP to help the issues of unfair and unequal education.
Do these readings suggest that the northern and southern struggle for education equality was different? What tactics were used to resist Brown? Which were most effective?
Tuesday October 30
Raymond D'Angelo, "Nixon was the One: Edgar Daniel Nison, the MIA, and the Montgomery Bus Boycott", McGuire, "At the Dark End of the Street
McGuire and D’Angelo truly highlight the Long Civil Rights Movement. From racial segregation in schools to segregation in buses, the Civil Rights did not leave one injustice unspoken for in the court system. McGuire really exploits the overlooked influence posed by African American women, and D’Angelo shows the influence in the leadership of Nixon. Both articles, however, continue to explain the progress of the Long Civil Rights in accordance with the South’s massive resistance.
“At the Dark End of the Street” by McGuire shows the growing resistance from whites, and the growing influence from African American women work hand and hand in the fight for equality. Rosa Parks is introduced to the readers as a very strong willed woman, who could handle the strong back lash from southern white supremacist due to the influence of her grandfather Sylvester. Sylvester was of mixed origins, passing for white, he had no problem standing his ground against the white mobs. Rosa Parks was quick to pick up his strength, and soon she became an avid supporter and symbol for African American equality.
<p><p><p>During the Depression African American women throughout the South were fearful of rapes, and with the KKK’s growth in 1924 to six million members this fear heightened. With examples from various rapes of African American women throughout the south, the need for justice quickly brewed among the African American population. Strong African American leaders were looking for a way to be able to bring attention to these rape cases, but they needed the right person. Recy Taylor’s brutal rape was the pivotal point. After being blindfolded she was raped by several white men. Sheriff Gamble quickly excused the white men for their actions, even though one of the rapists, Hugo Wilson, said he was guilty of the crime. Rosa Parks and other advocates for justice wanted to bring these white males into the court to prove their guilt. The creation of the Alabama Committee for Equal Justice for Mrs. Recy Taylor was formed. The already heightened communications between Civil Rights groups and sympathizers due to the Scottsboro case in 1931, allowed for Recy’s rape to quickly make national headlines. Many white Mississippians were fearful of this case becoming the second to Scottsboro forcing Governor Sparks to investigate the situation. Upon his investigation it was found that the Sheriff was lying, and he never actually arrested any of the rapists, nor had Recy ever been accused of being a prostitute.
As the case continued, African Americans began to collect money to create flyers to make the case known to all sympathizers. Hundreds of letters poured into the Governor’s office in support of Recy. People like Rosa Parks and Nixon helped raise money in support of this case, arguing for African American women’s honor and dignity to be respected in accordance to the white women. <p>Through this, many began to analyze racism, coming to the conclusion that at the center of racism was the fear interracial sex. Rape was a way of enforcing the rules of racial and economic hierarchy. Therefore, the only way to truly get attention from the media and people was going outside of the Southern Court System. The campaign for Recy highlighted the power of sexual stories proving direct action over political action is far more important. Whites, though, continued to argue that the rape of white women is what created violence, and African American women were not equal to white women.</p>
Rosa Park’s influence was prominent during Recy’s rape case and even more prominent during the Montgomery Bus Boycotts. Recy, upon getting pregnant, could not help African American Civil Right’s leaders get their image across is the strictly conservative 1950’s, who would see teenage pregnancy as a horror. They got their answer when Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat. A massive boycott, in response, was planned for December 5, and upon gathering to discuss this boycott, the African Americans had finally reached their highest unification. African American men finally took the responsibility for defending African American women, and African American women finally sought for respect from bus drivers.
The Montgomery Bus Boycott was truly led by African American women, who walked however many miles to work to make their point. This made African American women as the backbone of the boycott, which caused for heavy backlash from white Southerners. Even though women were the backbone of this movement, they got almost no recognition. The civil rights movement is mostly thought to be run by men, but women played a vital role that is largely ignored today. Though Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King took the image of this boycott, it was truly a unified effort of all Civil Right activists and leadership. In the end, it would be women who filed against segregation that would end segregation on the buses.
D’Angelo talks about the leadership, Edgar Daniel Nixon, mentioned prior, and his direct influence on the Civil Rights. Leader of the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) and president of the Montgomery NAACP, he had many connections. Nixon was extremely influential when it came to his knowledge in rape cases and police brutality. Nixon would pressure the city and county to hire black policemen. He also advocated to putting African American’s on food stamps. Nixon’s influence on the Montgomery Bus Boycott was direct, since it was he who paid for Rosa Park’s jail bond, and his idea to put her case on national news. Nixon also contacted MLK to help assist with the movement. Though Nixon’s leadership is overlooked, it was his action that aligned the labor movement and the Negro freedom fighters, also putting the Montgomery Bus Boycott on the map.
The importance of these two readings is how much Martin Luther King has taken the image away from the true fighters of the movement. Though MLK was an important Civil Rights leader the influence of women, especially Rosa Parks, and the influence of Nixon showed that the leadership was deeply diverse.
- E. D. Nixon
- E.D. Nixon was an important figure in the African American community in Montgomery, Alabama and known for his militant leader. He was repeatedly recognized for the contributions that he made. Some of his accomplishments include being the treasurer of the Montgomery Improvement Association, being a member of the BSCP, organizing the Montgomery Welfare League and the Montgomery Voter's League, President of Montgomery's chapter of the NAACP from 1946-1950, among others. Nixon acted as the voice of the city's middle class blacks. He brought grassroots protests to national attention and helped make the Montgomery Bus Boycott a national movement. Nixon is often left out of the narrative of the Civil Rights Movement on the national scene, and it could be argued that that is because he was left in the shadow of Martin Luther King Jr., who he endorsed. But he was a well known figure in Montgomery, where the majority of his work took place.
- Rosa Parks
- Civil rights leader in the mid 1900s. December 1, 1955 Rosa Parks got on a public bus after work. She was sitting in the "colored" section on the bus. After the Whites section was full, a white passenger asked her to move. She refused to give up her seat. After refusing to give up her seat, she was arrested for civil disobedience.
- Parks was one of the greatest women rights activists of her time. Mostly known for her protest of bus segregation when she refused to give up her seat and thus started a massive boycott. But as the articles “At the Dark End of the Street” shows us, Parks was involved in much more activism than desegregating buses. She investigated many rape cases including the one of Recy Taylor. Taylor’s rapist were not taken to court for their actions and Parks and many other people helped to raise money to bring her case forward in the public eyes. Parks’ leadership in other areas besides the Montgomery Bus Boycott is often ignored even though she was a powerful leader and helped to unite many Civil Rights leaders.
- Recy Tayler
- An African-American resident of Alabama. After leaving church on September 3, 1944 she was kidnapped at gunpoint. Recy Tayler was then gang rapped by six white men that had kidnapped her. The case was dismissed twice and no charges filed against the six men.
- Hugo Wilson
- Wilson was one of the men involved in Recy Taylor’s rape. He was seen taking her into his car and he admitted that he and the other men took her and raped her. Wilson gave the names of the other men involved in the rape yet no of them were accused of rape at first. This shows that the law enforcement in the area did not actually care about the facts of the rape case. The sheriff just wanted to ignore the whole incident.
- Gertrude Perkins
- As she was walking from a bus stop in 1949, she was approached by two white police officers in an unmarked car. The police officers forced her into the car and drove off. Gertrude Perkins was then raped by the two police officers. The police officers returned her to the bus stop and told her no to tell anyone about what had happened to her. After being threatened for telling and trying to convict the rapist, she along with her lawyers, finally gave up on trying to bring the two men to justice.
- Governor Chauncey Sparks
- Claudette Colvin
- Was arrested for not giving up her seat on a Montgomery bus to a white man. She did so 9 months before the Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat. The only reason her case was not picked up or publicized by the NAACP is because she was a pregnant teenager - no the ideal image for high profile court case. This incident speaks to the push by the NAACP to desegregate public places but also its fault in essentially discriminating against those within the civil rights movement.
- Montgomery Bus Boycott
- A social protest against the policy of racial segregation on the public transit system of Montgomery, Alabama, Rosa Parks, an African American woman, was arrested for refusing to to give up her seat to a white person. Parks was arrested until the Supreme Court decision, Browder v. Gayle, declaring that Alabama and Montgomery laws requiring segregated buses to be unconstitutional. This was a major event during the Civil Rights Movement because it showed that every day civilians can win social and political battles with the use of non-violence.
- Recy's Rape
- Recy Taylor was abducted, several of her friends were able to identify the car that she was pushed into, which was easily identified because there was only one person who owned a car with that description. The Sheriff questioned the man, but did not arrest him. He confessed to having raped her, and he listed the names of the other men who raped her. The men all claimed that she was a prostitute, giving discredit to her name. The case ended up falling through and the NAACP gave up to focus attention on another case because they knew they weren't gaining any ground.
- Recy’s rape was an important moment in the Civil Rights movement because it brought to light how scared people were of interracial relationships and the extent to which some people would go to cover up a rape such as this one. It helped many Civil Rights activists bring attention to more rape cases and attempt to stop others from happening.
- Mt. Zion AME Baptist Church
- 'Mobile Plan'
- Willie McGee
- An African American man from Mississippi was accused of rape after trying to end his long term affair with the white woman he worked for. No one in the South would believe that a white woman would willing be in a long term relationship with an African American man. McGee was found guilty of rape and was sentenced to death. The CRC was the leading organization trying to free McGee. Even with involvement from the United States Supreme Court and evidence of racial bias within the court system of Mississippi, Willie McGee was executed May 8, 1951. Although the CRC did not save Willie McGee, but they were able to expose double standards of the South.
- Smith v. Allwright
- United States Supreme Court ruled with regard to voting rights. It overturned the Democratic Party's use of all-white primaries in Texas, and other states where the party used the rule. Texas claimed that the Democratic Party was a private organization that could set its own rules of membership. Smith argued that the law in question disfranchised him by denying him the ability to vote in what was the only meaningful election in his jurisdiction.
- Montgomery NAACP
- Democratic Executive Committee
- Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters
- This group was a labor organization that had A. Phillip Randolph as one of its leaders. It was recognized by the Pullman Company and resulted in their signing of a labor contract that improved the working conditions of these black porters. The BSCP played an important role in the civil rights movement. This is especially true because Nixon was an important member giving voice to African Americans in Montgomery demonstrating the power the union had.
- Montgomery's Voters League
- Created by E.D. Nixon it was an organization that helped register black voters. Nixon led 750 African Americans to the board of registers demanding them to be allowed to vote, unfortunately only 50 blacks were able to register. By 1948 the number of black voters in the state of Alabama increased from 25,000 in 1940 to 600,000.
- Socialist Militant Labor Forum
- Citizens Coordinating Committee
How are the interpretations of the Montgomery Bus Boycott in the McGuire and D'Angelo readings different?
In McGuire's reading he explained how in order to understand the Montgomery Bus Boycott you must first understand the long history of sexualized vilence in Montgomery and the efforts to protect black womanhood. He considered the boycott to be a woman's movemnt for dignity, respect and bodily integrity. While McGuire focused more on the women's role in the boycott D'Angelo focused more on the role of E.D. Nixon during this period. D'Angelo noted mainly on Nixon's role before and after the bus boycott and the formation of the MIA. Local newspapers covered Nixon's every move and contributed the success of the boycott solely to his efforts, considering Nixon the 'leader of the bus protest'.
<p><p><p>Who were the leaders of the boycott?
Thursday November 1
Lewis, "The Shadow of Youth," "The Sit-In Craze", "More than Just a Hamburger" and D'Angelo, "The Civil Rights Movement"
During the period of the nonviolent direct action movement, one leader becomes more spoken of than others. D'Angelo shows that Martin Luther King was an extremely important leader for this because he was the one to make the direct action movement respectable in the eyes of the white citizens. King was viewed as very different from other activist leaders because he did not seem to go through a "struggle" with his supporters. I thought that Martin Luther King Jr. spent time in jail, he even did so famously when he wrote Letter From a Birmingham Jail. He did not suffer from abuse from white authorities and often times he was very isolated, not mixing democratically with his followers
King was greatly influenced by Democratic presidents and usually always avoided direct confrontation in the streets. These tactics viewed King as being extremely successful because he was a conservative militant, constantly leaving situations that might result in the death of his followers. By comparing King to Booker T. Washington, D'Angelo was showing how King himself was a symbol for the whole program of Negro advancement. King thought it important for whites to recognize African American rights for the well being of the white society.
D'Angelo also notes that even though King was very influential in the black struggle, if he had never lived nothing would have changed, the development of such activism would have still flourished. Because King did not initiate the Montgomery Buss Boycott it would have still occurred, as would the rebellion of African American students since King was not the only tactical inspiration. It was even included that some students were not a big fan a Martin Luther King Jr, due to the fact that he would not join them in their efforts, in fear the he would go to jail again. King was not the cause of mass activism and voting rights efforts, they were consequences of social and political forces. The black movement would have still achieved major victories, just not as peacefully nor as universally significant without Martin Luther King, that he learned from other leaders, such as Ghandi.
<p><p><p>August Meier, author and professor of history at Kent University questions the overall significance of Martin Luther King as the leader of the Civil Rights Movement by pointing out the paradoxes of MLK in D’Angelo’s “The Civil Rights Movement.” Meier notes that MLK was criticized by many fellow activists for his indecisiveness and tendency to settle. Meier also gives the real credit for developing the techniques of nonviolent direct action to CORE instead of MLK. Meir notes that instead of sitting in jail cells with his followers, MLK left for other engagements. Meier believe s that MLK doesn’t measure up to what a civil rights leaders should be. However, Meier acknowledged that MLK functioned as a bridge between the militant and conservative wings of the movement. According to Meier, MLK has more prestige than power due to mass media coverage and the way he was able to connect to a variety of different listeners. One can see this in many of his famous works, such as "letter from a Birmingham jail" and his "I Have a Dream Speech"
Clayborne Carson, professor of history at Stanford University, believes that because of MLK’s myth “emphasizes the individual at the expense of the black movement, it not only exaggerates King’s historical importance but also distorts his actual, considerable contribution to the movement” (203).
Andrew Lewis wanted to show the power of nonviolent protest during the Civil Rights Movement in his book “The Shadow of Youth" which highlighted the determination of America’s youth for equal rights and opportunity.
“The Sit-In Craze” chapter was about some of the first successful peaceful demonstrations during the American Civil Rights Movement. Lewis Starts this chapter with the first recorded sit-in. It started with four students at North Carolina A&T that decided to protest segregation at a department store that was integrated in the north but segregated in the south. These four students sat at a deli counter and asked to be served. When the white manager refused to serve them, the students waited there until the store closed, meanwhile local white and black people took notice.
Word caught on of the success of the first sit-in and it spread to multiple surrounding campuses then all throughout the south. By mid-April, 1960, more than 50,000 participated in a protest in Mississippi. “It was not just the largest black protest against segregation; it was the largest outburst of civil disobedience in American history” (65). The sit-ins were more than just a tactical innovation; they represented a profound ideological shift in the nature of protest. This is an example of how most people think of the whole civil rights movement: as something that included nonviolent, on the part of African Americans and successful demonstrations.
Black protesters ranging from college students to black preachers gained a sense of reassurance about their cause due to the way white police officers treated them while in jail. The common theme they all shared was “jail, no bail.” Meaning that the jailed protesters would rather sit in jail and serve their time rather than pay the fine to be freed because they didn’t want to support the social injustices of the white man.
Believing non-violence to be the answer to be against segregation, Jim Lawson created a non-violent group in Nashville. He wanted to “battle segregation” and led classes for other students to teach them about non-violence and how to handle themselves in segregated situations. They trained to have a sit-in at an opportune time but they ended up being over shadowed by the Greensboro Four sit-in. Because of this some students wanted to speed up their process and conduct a sit-in but Lawson encouraged them to slow down. However the students did not listen to him. Lawson decided to join them in the end, and he tool sat down at Woolworth’s lunch counter to protest segregation. For the first four days the group did not experience any violence. When they asked for help from chief of police, he asked if what they were doing was really “worth a twenty-five-cent hamburger.” Upon entering the store one man was attacked while trying to sit at the table and a white protestor was attacked for sitting in between two black women. When the police arrived they ignored the white assailants and arrested the protestors instead. The students were sent to jail and later put on trial in which they were found guilty of the charges against them. They chose to do community service as punishment and continued to fight for their rights.
The next chapter by Lewis was “More Than Just a Hamburger.” Lewis notes that the sit-ins were wildly successful and would ultimately evolve to more unique forms of protests. The first step was to have a start to end segregation through the sit-ins. The next step was to challenge the political system, however, court hearings proved to be costly and time consuming. The solution was to gain political support through high voter registration rates. An isolated incident of higher voter registration occurred in Mississippi because the population was slightly over 40 percent black. Another evolution of the sit-ins came in the form of Freedom Rides. This can be attributed by the Montgomery Bus Boycott and Rosa Parks’ refusal to give up her seat to a white passenger. Black protesters would sit in the front of the bus and refuse to leave their seats.
As Lewis pointed out the rise of civil disobedience, there was also a corresponding white hatred backlash. There were still refusal from white business owners to serve black patrons and more harassment by white policemen. At times, tensions would boil over and riots would ensue.
- Civil Disobedience
- This is a tactic that was used in the Civil Rights Movement and other movements around the world as a way to highlight the inequality and problems of segregation. Leaders around the world such as Gandhi used civil disobedience and mass non-cooperation to bring direct attention to their cause in fighting inequality. Lewis specifically shows sit-ins as an example of civil disobedience to target the problems with segregation of restaurants, stores, and other public places. Other examples of civil disobedience throughout the Civil Rights Movement can be seen through the Freedom Rides and the general disregard of segregation laws in the south.
- Jim Lawson
- Vanderbilt student that organized demonstrations in Nashville. He held workshops for other students to educate them in successful nonviolence, studying Gandhi. Unfortunately, the Greensboro sit-ins happened before the Nashville organization had finalized plans. They decided to sit-in anyway and were successful in integrating the lunch counters.
- Bob Moses
- Bob Moses was a Harvard trained educator. During the 1960's, he traveled to the South in order to get African Americans to vote. After receiving so many threats from the white people living in the south, he asked from federal protection from president John F. Kennedy.
- Martin Luther King
- Though a minor character in the struggle for the Freedom Riders of Nashville, an important image due to his enduring image throughout many Americans during the time. However, King and Nash butt-heads when it came to leadership and image. Through Nash, students began to question King's leadership, wondering why he would not put his body on the line for civil rights. Nash also felt as though King was short handing them, taking the image away from the student activists.
- John Lewis
- Felt that the power of jail was a way of African Americans moving away from white power into their own power. Lewis was a part of the Nashville sit-ins and believed that non-violence was not just a form a protest, but it was also a way of life. He was arrested at the sit-ins.
- Paul LaPrad
- One of the men who attended the sit-ins at Woolworth’s with the Nashville students and Jim Lawson. He was a white protestor who sat in between two black women at the restaurant counter. When other white people saw him they attacked him and scorned him for being with African American women. When the police came to investigate, they arrested LaPrad instead of the other men.
- Diane Nash
- Student rights activists who kept the freedom rights alive through her avid support and passionate stance. Not a avid supporter of Martin Luther King, Nash questioned the old way of Civil Rights, making settling not an option. Nash, though at first terrified, found her voice while in jail, and also her strength. Dropping out of college she became a full time student activist, giving way to the freedom riders of Nashville. Writing letters, in case of death, Nash got a group of students together to go into Alabama, only meeting massive resistance. Nash, however, was not deterred, leading the group through the horrific scene of the Montgomery mob.
- Lonnie King
- King worked alongside Julian Bond to protest segregation in Atlanta, Georgia. He took the initiative to approach Julian Bond about starting a sit-in movement in Atlanta. Their initial recruitment was successful and then reached out to presidents of Atlanta universities for help.
- Julian Bond
- Bond was a partner to Lonnie King in the efforts to take down Jim Crow laws in Atlanta. He wrote "An Appeal for Human Rights" addressing the white businesses in Atlanta. He led the first group of students to the City Hall cafeteria for the first Atlanta sit-in. The group was arrested within five minutes. Bond was indicted on nine counts.
- Tom Hayden
- One of the founders of Students for a Democratic Society or SDS. Hayden drafted the Port Huron Statement which was embraced by the organization. Most of the early actions of the group were directed towards Civil Rights. They used protests as a way to convey their message but as time went on and with the escalation of the Vietnam War, they restored to violence and resistance, becoming one of the most violent social groups.
- "An Appeal for Human Rights"
- written by the Atlantic Student Movement, and published in both the white and black local newspapers. It reflected Atlanta's commercial view point and stressed Democracy and desegregation over religious reasons for segregation. The document was written because students in Atlanta were unsure about whether or not the sit-ins would work in Atlanta, because it had a different culture than other cities in the south.
- Amzie Moore
- Leader of the NAACP Mississippi argued that sit-ins and legal means were not proving successful in an overwhelmingly poor Mississippi. She also noted that 40% of Mississippi was African American, making their voting rights far more important and far more influential. However, when she attended the SNCC's fall retreat, she had no support for her argument since Moses was back in New York.
- "Jail, No Bail"
- A term introduced by James Lawson to flood jails with Civil Rights activists to overwhelm the White bureaucracy.
- James Farmer
- Founder of the Freedom Riders, his advice was sought after by Nash to approve the Freedom Rider's entry into Alabama. Though reluctant he gave his approval. However, after the close call, and the violence that ensued, Farmer quickly called for an end to the protest.
- He was also the founder of Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). CORE was an organization that focused on racial equality. The organization accepted anyone that believed that everyone is equal.
- Bull Conner
- Sheriff in Montgomery who was known for his violence towards Civil Rights activists. Upon the arrival of the freedom riders, Conner arrested them throwing them in jail. Rather then violently acting against their disobedience, Conner drove the group of students out to Tennessee, abandoning them in the darkness of the road.
- Ella Baker
- She helped to form the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) This organization encouraged young African American students to coordinate in a non-violent fashion in order to achieve social equality, specifically in the south.
- Stokely Carmichael
- Member of SNCC, he first came into the limelight during the Freedom Rides. He was among the many African-Americans arrested for breaking the Jim Crow laws, and served as a model of passive resistence during the protest and subsequent jail time.
- Atlanta Daily World
- A newspaper that was circulated in Atlanta, Georgia. The newspaper was first created in 1928 by a man named William Alexander Scott II. It covered a variety of things but mainly issues that affected the African American community. It is also the oldest African American newspaper in Atlanta.
- The Atlanta Inquirer
- A progressive newspaper, who hired Julian Bond. Bond a recent student rights activists found that the newspaper could help better the Civil Rights movement through exploitation. Through heavy investigation, Bond wrote on all Civil Rights issues being faced, so readers could see all the problems ensuing.
- Urban League
- Fellowship of Reconciliation
- Atlanta Student Movement
- Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. One of the largest civil rights groups during the 1960's, SNCC main support was derived from students who fought racial injustices through peaceful protests. Beginning in April 1960 under the guidance of SCLC and King, SNCC quickly separated from the two. Their sit ins received heavy attention and their efforts primarily targeted the southern region of the US. ALthough, SNCC was not backed by King, the group was still able to obtain a high level of success and following by molding their protests after King's non-violent example.
- The "First Sit-In"
- A protest led by Franklin McCain, David Richmond, Ezell Blair, and Joseph McNeil. McNeil had become frustrated with the fact that none of the restaurants in the bus terminal he had waited at during his Christmas vacation would serve him food. All four of them had suffered indignities of Jim Crow, and after hearing about non-violent protests, decided to challenge the system themselves. They sat at a whites-only lunch counter downtown until they were served. Woolworth’s was where they went to eat, particularly because every other location they had was integrated, except in the south. After being refused service by their white waitress, the manager asked them to leave. But they would not. There was nothing the manager could do to get rid of them because as the police officer said, they were not being violent. Since this event, sit-ins had spread like wildfire, as a new form of protest.
- The Nashville Sit-in
- Atlanta Protests
- Freedom Rides
- Beginning on May 4, 1961, the Freedom rides when seven black CORE members and six white members left Washington, D.C., on two public buses headed for the south. The riders wanted to challenge the Supreme Court's ruling in Boynton v. Virginia, which had made segregation on interstate transportation illegal. Upon reaching Birmingham, Alabama the riders were greeted with violence. After being escorted out of Birmingham by the US justice department, CORE did not want violence to be the final say in the rides, so volunteers continued to ride. Greeted with more extreme violence, the rides received outcries from supporters, putting pressure on Kennedy to stop the violence. It ended when the Interstate Commerce Commission prohibited segregation for public transit in November.
- Boynton v. Virginia
- Supreme Court case which, overturned a judgment convicting an African American law student for trespassing by being in a restaurant in a bus terminal which was for whites only. It held that racial segregation in public transportation was illegal because such segregation violated the Interstate Commerce Act, which broadly forbade discrimination in interstate passenger transportation.
- Montgomery Riot
- North Carolina A&T
- A national chain with a double standard. This place was integrated all over the nation, except in the south. It was the chosen business for the "first sit-in" which took place on February 1st, 1960.
Describe the contrast between the Montgomery Bus Boycott an the active civil disobedience of "Jail, no bail."
Do the chapters in Andrew Lewis's book support Tuck's argument that we should see 1960 as a turning point in the civil rights movement?
According to Lewis, how did students change the character of the movement?
<p><p><p>The students were able to combine King's practices of nonviolence, practiced in the Montgomery Bus Boycotts, with their knowledge of Gandhi and civil disobedience. They chose a department store to show the inconsistency of service of blacks and the disputes between whites and blacks. They were fueled by the empty promises from the New Deal and World War II. The students represented a new generation for the Civil Rights movement that deliberately broke the law to show the illegitimacy of segregation and that brought new ideas and optimism to the movement.
Tuesday November 6
D'Angelo, "The Civil Rights Movement" and Andrew Lewis, "Highway 61 Revisited" and "Dreams that Break Your Heart"
In these articles both Lewis and D’Angelo shows how the civil rights movement hardly touched Mississippi or Alabama. In Mississippi whites had total control of political power so registering to vote was an extremely difficult challenge for African Americans who had to fill out a twenty-one question form and explain the meaning of the Mississippi constitution. The advancement of the civil rights struggle was perpetuating throughout the south and as D’Angelo points out, one of the most successful places of mass protest was in Alabama in the 1960s. Through the use of Bob Moses and Martin Luther King both D’Angelo and Lewis used these prominent figures in their articles to show leadership during the civil rights movement. D’Angelo argues that even though some African American leaders of the Albany movement did not agree with Martin Luther King’s tactics and did not want him to participate for fear that the cause would switch from the mass movement to being more about him; they ultimately would not have been as successful if it wasn’t for King himself. Both authors use events of mass arrest in their articles to portray a successful tactic in the fight for equality. After the murder of Herbert Lee, Lewis shows how African American teenagers were eager to act in protest by storming out of class and going to city hall for a prayer march which resulted in more than one hundred young arrests. Led by Cordell Reagon and Charles Sherrod, two young SNCC workers, the Albany Movement represented a significant escalation of the civil rights struggle yet it also showed the limitations of nonviolent direct action. This march consisted of protestors from different organizations to city hall to show that the city was still enforcing segregation, but with the arrest of nearly five hundred marchers many black leaders looked to Martin Luther King to retrieve the situation. To do this, King went to Birmingham, and D'Angelo writes about the differences between what happened in Alabama and Birmingham, even though it was much more risky because of Bull Connor's tactics in enforcing Jim Crow.
It is important that D’Angelo writes about the mass protesting from the Albany Movement and the children’s crusade because these acts became one of the biggest movements of black militancy since the Reconstruction. In early May thousands of African American children as young as nine years old were willingly going to jail, Bevel called this movement “D-Day.” Bull Conner was outraged by this act telling the police to release German shepherds and use hoses on the crowds. These graphic scenes were showed on televisions all over the world becoming “the most inspiring movement that has ever happened in the United States of America (319).” President Kennedy, embarrassed by the ordeal, called the department stores making them desegregate their diners and hire African American sales workers.
Moses was just like King in that he would rather sit in jail for a senseless act than pay a ridiculous fine to be released. Both men thought it was more about one’s morals and it showed the deliberate point about the limits of justice and white’s ability to instill fear in African Americans. Yet even with this plan, both King and Moses contradicted their own morals by allowing someone to pay their fine to be released from jail. Moses goes on to view direct action differently as he arrives in Atlanta and argues that having the right to do something means nothing if one cannot afford to do it in the first place. Lewis goes on to show that some people felt SNCC was more important than the NAACP because SNCC saw problems and took immediate action while the NAACP was just a “closeted movement.” SNCC’s dealing with King seemed to betray the NAACP and once the NAACP learned of their presence in Albany they ignored SNCC’s efforts to form a united front.
Mississippi was a state that was not showing any drastic changes in racial inequality no matter how much activists fought for equal rights. Direct action protests, the Freedom Rides and the integration of Mississippi’s prominent university proved nothing against the state power and authoritative violence, helping aid in the white community’s success. The events in McComb in 1961 showed that direct protest could be successful, because activists saw the power of mobilization in the community, especially the young people. The Freedom Summer of 1964 showed the black community of Mississippi willingness to achieve political equality and expose the white community’s terrorism. Even though Freedom Summer seemed like it would bring great progress to SNCC, it also showed how SNCC failed to produce political change. Lewis tells that though SNCC was a prominently black organization, white activists such as Allard Lowenstein shared its thoughts on American civic democracy. Lowenstein was used to degrade Moses, showing not what Moses accomplished but on what he failed to accomplish. This was important because people started to wonder if the civil rights struggle even needed to be led by African Americans.
- Cordell Reagon and Charles Sherrod
- Two young SNCC workers who hoped to investigate the kind of audacious tactics pioneered by the sit-ins and and Freedom Rides. They engineered a series of dramatic incidents at the bus and train stations to show the city was still enforcing segregation, despite the new federal edict on interstate travel. The Albany movement owed its existence to these men.
- Laurie G. Pritchitt
- Pritchett was the chief of police in Albany, Georgia and was one of the key reasons for the lack of success for civil rights in the Albany Movement. He realized the possibility of federal intervention and how it would hurt the ways of segregation in the south. His tactic of handling demonstrations calmly and ensuring the police force would not use violence to put down demonstrations kept the demonstrations from having the massive publicity and national spotlight. This goal of keeping the affairs of southern segregation out of the national spectrum was a tactic used in the past, such as using proxies for race to maintain segregation in public schools in Mississippi after the Brown v Board of Education case. Pritchett's alternative method to violently striking down the demonstrations was to arrest all demonstrators and hold them in jail. This tactic gave insight to the problems of mass incarceration in the late 20th and early 21st century.
- Dr. Anderson
- A black osteopath who urged Dr. King to join the Albany movement. The SNCC acquiesced his invitation to King but released the notion of surrendering the leadership to him.
- Robert Kennedy
- Theophilus G. "Bull" Conner
- Comissioner of Public Safety in Birmingham. He was an extreme racist and segregationist that reacted violently to protests. He ordered the firehoses and police dogs to attack the children during the "children's crusade". This had a huge impact on the civil rights movement because the media was able to capture the violence and caught the attention of the United States. The president was forced to act to stop Bull Connor.
- Fred L. Shuttlesworth
- Shuttlesworth was Civil Rights Activist and the head of the SCLC in Birmingham Alabama. When he brought MLK to Birmingham to protest, other black leaders in the community began not to trust him because they thought their own negotiations meant the whites were ready to work with the African Americans. However the real problem came about when it became clear that the SCLC had not prepared for King’s arrival and the number of people for the first demonstration was lacking.
- Bob Moses
- Moses felt that Black Mississippians should not be fearful of white intimidation. Therefore, African Americans should use their masses as a way of influencing the vote.
- Nash and Bevel
- Believed in using direct action to make a moral statement about segregation. Nash felt that the SNCC should expand the project of nonviolence, sit-ins, and 'jail,no bail,' to African Americans in Mississippi. Nash also advocated for personal justice, which blinded her from the bigger pictures. Her actions created a sense of uncertainty on where women stood within the Civil Rights movement.
- Julian Bond
- Bond saw the importance in communication between the north and southern activism. Challenged the idea that the north wasn't receiving proper information due to southern white obscuring the information. Created the WATS lines to keep SNCC members in touch with the north as well as other SNCC organizations. These WATS lines could also be used to contact people if SNCC members were in trouble or danger.
- John Lewis
- Allard Lowenstein
- Fannie Lou Hamer
- The Council of Federated Organizations was an organization that was created to help coordinate fighting back against the Mississippi's Governor, Ross Barnett's system of massive resistance. It was revived by Bob Moses and the Mississippi activists. In 1962, Aaron Henry, a representative from the NAACP was voted president of the organization. This became the coordinating body for civil rights in Mississippi.
- Herbert Lee
- Diane Nash and William Moore
- Moore was a white postal man who marched through the South with a billboard saying “End Segregation in America.” He was eventually murdered in Mississippi. When Nash heard about this she decided to organize a march on his behalf. But even though this moment was sad it was not that important to the movement as a whole. Since Nash focused her attention on this instead of helping organize the children’s march where she could have done more.
- Albany Movement
- There was a lot of racial segregation in the city of Albany, Georgia. In November, 1961 members from the Student Nonviolent Coordination Committee joined together with other civil rights leaders to take a stand against the segregation. The orginaztion had mainly been developed by Cordell Reagon and Charles Sherrod. During the movement, the protesters used many forms of nonviolence. The protesters used sit-ins, jail-ins, and boycotts to show their disapproval. The movement gained a lot of attention and even Martin Luther King Jr was invited to participate.
- Crisis at Ol Miss
- A man named James Meredith wanted to attend The University of Mississippi. After he was previously denied, claiming it was because of his race, the Supreme Court later ruled that he should be able to attend the university. When residents heard of this a riot broke out and the U.S marshals had to be called in to maintain order.
- McComb School Walk Out
- 100 young people threw the town into chaos as they walked out of class. Each was arrested, which overwhelmed the jails. This action allowed the SNCC to see the potential of mobilizing an entire community, especially its young, to help with a protest campaign.
- D-Day (children's crusade)
- September 15, 1963
- 16th Street Baptist Church was bombed. Four girls were killed, all of them fourteen or younger. The bombing heightened racial tensions, and violence between whites and blacks increased.
- Freedom Summer of 1964
- During this time frame there was a lot of experimentation with interracial sex, due to men and women, African American and Caucasian, living in enclosed environments. It also was the mark of SNCC efforts in the Deep South at their climax. With the help of Allord Lowenstein, white college kids poured into the South to help with the campaigning, which caused some conflicts between races, but the white students' idolization of Civil Rights leaders helped to expand the Civil Rights from not just a race struggle, but a struggle for democratic principles. The Media played on the niaeve young white girls, allowing for greater publicity throughout the south and the north.
- The creation of the Freedom Schools
- Despite the Supreme Court's ruling in the Brown case striking down segregated school systems, in the mid-1960s Mississippi still maintained separate and unequal white and "colored" school systems. These Freedom Schools were temporary, alternative free schools for African Americans mostly in the South. They were originally part of a nationwide effort during the Civil Rights Movement to organize African Americans to achieve social, political and economic equality in the United States. The most prominent example of Freedom Schools was in Mississippi during the summer of 1964 during the Freedom Summer Civil Rights project.
- The discovery of the 80 year old Mississippi law that allowed people to cast protest ballots in primaries (used to allow ex-Confederates to participate in the election) allowed for African Americans to now legally cast ballots.
- Birmingham, Alabama
- Letter from Birmingham City Jail
- Written by Martin Luther King from jail after being arrested Birmingham during a protest. The letter was addressed to other clergymen who did not agree with King going to Birmingham because he was an outsider. The letter continues to list the the steps of and reasoning behind nonviolent protests.
- The murder of Herbert Lee and Louis Allen Lee
- Herbert Lee was a member of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, by E.H. Hurst, a pro-segregation legislator. His murder was witnessed by Louis Allen Lee, who was in turn pressured into giving false testimony. Lee later changed his mind and wanted to change his testimony to the FBI. Lee then, became the target of the sheriff, Daniel Jones.
- Freedom House
- The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
Thursday November 8
Joseph, Malcolm X's Harlem and Early Black Activism; Self, Negro Leadership and Negro Money; Sugrue, Affirmative Action From Below
Peniel E. Joseph marks Malcolm X as a counterpoint to civil rights leader Martin Luther King and even declares him as black America’s unofficial prime minister. Malcolm X’s ability to hold power throughout the world and at a local scale in Harlem gives him a wide audience. His idea of black empowerment and individuality allow his ideas to resonate with many African Americans who had been suppressed for years. Malcolm’s background as Malcolm Little plays a role in setting the stage for him to become a radical black activist like his father, Earl Little, who was a Marcus Garvey supporter and member of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. While his father’s death and family’s separation and poverty affected Malcolm, it wasn’t until his arrest for burglary in 1946 that he decided to become involved with Black liberation. Upon the discovery of the Nation of Islam and Elijah Muhammed after his freedom appealed to him. It advocated dignity, economic determination, and organized discipline. The idea of black empowerment behind the NOI framed Malcolm’s platform and future activism. It also gave him the popularity needed to become a prominent figure through his multiple positions of authority in the NOI, such as strategist, organizer, and recruiter. He was able to use his charismatic nature to both gain followers and respect among the African American community for the NOI.
Once becoming Malcolm X after an incident of police brutality against NOI member Johnson X, he gained publicity for both himself and the NOI and was marked as opposite to nonviolent civil rights leaders, particularly Martin Luther King, Jr. This opposition was born with the fear of 'if necessary' violence being advocated by Malcom. Malcolm was also extremely charming and fun, which allowed for followers as well as prominent leaders, intelligentsia, and journalists and writers to feel comfortable in his presence. Malcolm and the NOI took advantage of media and created “Muhammed Speaks”, to get out their opinions circulating for black power. In the film “A Raisin in the Sun”, the advocacy for black power is noted as radical but potentially affective way to reach the goals of their platform. Malcolm was able to appeal to activists dissatisfied with the movement on a local, national, and global scale because of his gaining popularity. He held strong connections to world movements such as the fight for African independence and the revolutionary Fidel Castro of Cuba. World events also played a huge role in the support for Malcolm, like the murder of Congolese Prime Minister Lumumba. This murder triggered a massive protest that turned violent at the United Nations and served as the first formal event of mass violent action as seen in the later Black Power movement after Malcolm’s death.
While Malcolm X used the NOI to gain a large following, he had a split with the group for his support of radical violence in the name of black empowerment. Leader Elijah Muhammed and Malcolm also clashed because of their differing views and because of claims of infidelity against Muhammed. While Malcolm tried to begin his own groups, Muslim Mosque Inc. and the Organization of Afro-American Unity, these groups were not successful. However, they did not take away from Malcolm X’s position as a leader, mentor, and legacy after his assassination for any means necessary to make significant gains for the movement of black empowerment. Unfortunately, the US at that time and to some extent today downplays the importance of Malcolm X as part of the Civil Rights movement in favor of the nonviolent activism.
Robert O. Self tells of racial tensions on the West Coast, particularly in West Oakland, the region that gave birth to the Black Panther Party. While inequality stereotypically dominates only the American South, Self explains the extent to which the region of Oakland experienced unfair practices, particularly relating to housing and employment practices. The period of World War II was marked by segregation by means of having separate African American neighborhoods in Oakland and African American men working primarily for railways or shipyards, while African American women worked in domestic service. These opportunities were little to none, and helped formulate the campaign for racial liberalism. Taking the concepts of the New Deal and relating them to race instead of just class brought economic rights for African Americans brought to the forefront of this platform by activists like NAACP member Clinton White. Working class African Americans experienced political victories and representation through the election of Byron Rumford, which proved the gaining popularity for racial liberalism in Oakland.
The African American middle class experienced improvement through ideas of racial uplift from support of groups like the Men of Tomorrow and were able to reach even more political representation. This promoted the idea of race-blind society and employment opportunities for African Americans. Activists like D.G. Gibson and C.L. Dellums also used both the support of integration groups and black power groups to create success for racial liberalism. While they would not align with radicals like Malcolm X, the support of both types of groups was crucial to furthering African American gains. These gains came with backlash and opposition to fair employment and housing laws, showing the support for discrimination in California.
The “War on Poverty” in Oakland based on the issues of property and jobs proved to be the basis for even stronger African American movements towards liberation from the unfair system, particularly under Paul Cobb. Although these movements did not generate large success initially, they added to the course of African American politics and urban history as the rise of the Black Panther Party.
In Sugrue’s article, he discusses the use of affirmative action and the different ways it has been interpreted. Many people see it as a negative action that made citizens become more aware of different races while others believed that it was useful to override past discriminations. Affirmative action was the executive order enacted by Lyndon Johnson. Employers were now supposed to hire workers without regard race, religion, or national origin. Sugrue introduces the topic to the reader through the activists in Philadelphi--often forgotten due to the activism in the South. The activists boycotted companies, including large companies such as Tasty Baking Company, but mostly focused on the construction industry. Although there were more African American skilled workers, they were still in the lowest paying jobs. The focus of the activists during this time period was to force the companies through boycotts to hire more workers. Through the boycotts and demands for quotas, they were able to add to the number of African American workers in the skilled industries.
- Malcolm X
- During his early years he worked as an organizer in Harlem's toughest areas. He also led the early movements of Black Power with the political struggle wages in Harlem, Detroit and other cities. He later became the spokesperson for Nation of Islam, led by Elijah Muhammad. After leaving the NOI he founded his own organization, the Muslim Mosque, Inc. Malcolm X was involved in the Johnson X case where he coerced the police into taking Johnson to a hospital after being beaten. Malcom X's discipline and leadership of his fellow NOI members was an impressive display that helped prevent a crowd from devolving into a mob. He changed his name from Malcolm Little to Malcolm X after thinking his original name sounded like a slave name and used X to signify his lost ancestral name. He was assassinated on February 21, 1965.
- Elijah Muhammed
- Nations of Islam leader who was looked at by Malcolm X as a role model. Muhammad taught that white society actively worked to keep African-Americans from empowering themselves and achieving political, economic and social success. Among other goals, the NOI fought for a state of their own, separate from one inhabited by white people.
- Johnson X
- A member of NOI who was assaulted by white police officers. In order to avoid a riot over the beating, James Hicks asked Malcolm to mediate. When the police agreed to move Johnson to Harlem Hospital one standoff stopped. The other, Malcolm let the police deal with. This helped to avoid more violence and it showed the public the Malcolm’s political skills. This helped him make a name for himself in the Harlem area.
- James Hicks
- Lewis Michaux
- A local activist from Harlem who influenced Malcolm X. He own and operated his own bookstore that became a meeting point for many of Harlem’s nationalist.
- Carlos Cooks
- Cook was a local activist in Harlem who influence Malcolm X and helped him to develop his thoughts and ideas. Cook believed in Garveyism and he became a connecting factor between Malcolm X and Garvey and their ideas.
- Ossie Davis
- Julian Hayfield
- William Worthy
- William Worthy was a correspondant for the Baltimore/Washington Afro-American, who frequently wote about the NOI in newspaper and magazine stories marked for their unusual level of depth and complexity. He covered Malcolm X in one of his stories and did it professionally and politically. As a foreign correspondant in the 1950s, he traveled to China, South Africa and other international hot spots. His running feud with the State department over traveling restrictions made him a celebrity among black radials and civil libertarians in the United States. Worthy and Malcolm shared close political networks that would culminate at the Grassroots Leadership Conference in November 1963.
- Louis Lomax
- Louis Lomax exposed Black Muslims before a national television audience in the 1959 special “The Hate That Hate Produced.” It was a five-part News Beat documentary, broadcast during the week ok July 13. It ignited the civil rights era’s first intraracial controversy. Given unprecedented access to the NOI, Lomas along with an all-white camera crew, filmed never-before-seen aspects of the organization. The documentary characterized the NOI as a group of idiosyncratic, potentially violent hate-mongers. Interviews with Malcolm and Elijah Muhammad bolstered narrarator Mile Wallace’s claims that “Black Muslims” represented a dangerous, understudied, and increasingly threatened facet of America’s racial life. Lomax became a national expert on the NOI and would collaborate with Malcolm X on the book When the Word is Given.
- Alex Haley
- Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.
- Maya Angelou
- Maya Angelou was born on April 4, 1914 in Missouri. When she was growing up, she showed a great interest in performing arts, literature, and poetry. Maya Angelou is most famous for her poems; such as "I Know Why The Caged Bird Sings" and "Phenomenal Woman." Maya Angelou was also a civil rights leader. She worked along side many famous leaders such as Malcolm X, where they worked together in creating the Organization of African American Unity. Martin Luther King Jr. was one of her role models and he actually asked her to help serve as a coordinator for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Tragically, Martin Luther King Jr. was actually assassinated on her birthday in 1968.
- Robert F. Williams - Attributed with visibly manifesting the anger of other activist like Malcolm X. He was head of the NAACP Chapter in Monroe, North Carolina, in which Williams confronted the local Ku Klux Klan with militant words and deeds. He also, lead armed skirmishes against the Klan alongside other civil rights activist. He epitomized the anger of the African american community and was a main voice in the debate of self-defense vs. non-violence.
- Fidel Castro
- Fidel Castro is a Cuban Revolutionary and politician. On September 19, 1960, the Cuban Revolution arrived in Harlem, and was led by Castro. Castro’s arrival was unexpected and struck controversy. His presence in Harlem turned its 125th Street corridor into New York City’s most congested area, as a result of Harlem residents trying to catch a glimpse of Castro outside of his hotel. He was there to meet with Malcolm X. Their conversation served as preparation of sorts for the Cuban leader’s upcoming United Nation’s speech. The FBI observed their meeting as having intense interest. Publically, Malcolm rejected attempts to connect him to Communism, while maintaining freedom to associate with whomever he pleased. Their meeting was reported as a bombshell political development while white journalists greeted the entire event as a Communist-orchestrated spectacle. Castro’s visit to Harlem provided symbolic evidence of Malcolm X’s sophisticated understanding of world affairs.
- Patrice Lumumba
- C.L. Dellums
- Paul Cobb
- Edmund G. "Pat" Brown
- Clinton White
- D.G. Gibson
- Byron Rumford
- Percy Moore
- Donald McCullum
- John F Kennedy
- With the encouragement of his advisors he announced his opposition to segregation in the construction industry over the outrage from Philadelphia. He was afraid to make action earlier as to not put off Southern Democrats. However, his statement was able to bring federal input into early integration battles in the work force.
Key Terms and Groups
- Nation of Islam
- The Nation of Islam dismissed overt political action and boycotts, pickets, and marches in favor of self-determination, which could take form of black entrepreneurship, diligence and community control. These were the key factors of black empowerment that they saw. They wanted social uplift, instead of "handouts".
- Amsterdam News
- Mosque No. 7
- Black Power
- A Raisin in the Sun
- A play written by Lorraine Hansberry about a working-class black family, it also dramatized the struggles that African-Americans went through in their daily lives.
- Muhammed Speaks
- Muslim Mosque Inc.
- Organization of Afro-American Unity
- The Brotherhood
- Black Panther Party
- California Federation of Laber (AFL)
- East Bay Democratic Club
- Men of Tomorrow
- Savior's Day Conference
- "Message to the Grassroots" Speech
- A public speech by Malcolm X at the Northern Negro Grass Roots Leadership Conference on November 10, 1963. In the speech, Malcolm X described the difference between the "Black revolution" and the "Negro revolution", he contrasted the "house Negro" and the "field Negro" during slavery and in the modern age, and he criticized the 1963 March on Washington. Malcolm X stated that Black Americans share a common experience, Malcolm X continued, they also shared a common enemy: white people. He said that African Americans should come together on the basis that they shared a common enemy in the speech. Next, Malcolm X spoke about the Black revolution and the Negro revolution. He said that Black people were using the word "revolution" loosely without realizing its full implications. He pointed out that the American, French, Russian, and Chinese Revolutions were all carried out by people concerned about the issue of land, and that all four revolutions involved bloodshed. He said that the Black revolutions taking place in Africa also involved land and bloodshed. Next, Malcolm X spoke about the Black revolution and the Negro revolution. He said that Black people were using the word "revolution" loosely without realizing its full implications. He pointed out that the American, French, Russian, and Chinese Revolutions were all carried out by people concerned about the issue of land, and that all four revolutions involved bloodshed. He said that the Black revolutions taking place in Africa also involved land and bloodshed. Malcolm X described the field Negro, who he said were the majority of slaves on a plantation.
Tuesday November 13
Hirsch, "Massive Resistance in the Urban North" And Brilliant, "A Problem as Diversified as the Population"
In the article "A Problem as Diversified as the population," Mark Brilliant shows the uniqueness to the race relations on the West Coast. Brilliant illustrates the many problems that the various groups tried to overcome and the problem of getting their specific minority voice heard in the sea of races that accumulated on the west coast. The west coast proved to bring about unique problems for African Americans. Unlike other minorities in California such as Mexicans, Chinese, those of Japanese descent, African Americans were not isolated due to language, culture, or nationalist ties. Through the use of Franklin Williams, Brilliant shows how the NAACP-WC hoped to bring a change to California in support of African Americans. Williams thought that persons of darker skin would unite as Californians of color, but due to language and culture they were divided. Williams found that the problem was colored minorities faced similar problems which could be solved by common solutions, which he felt could be spearheaded by the NAACP-WC. <p>The top priorities during the 1950s in California for the NAACP-WC was the passage of fair employment practices legislation and pursuit of fair housing litigation. Brilliant shows how problematic the definitive nature of the NAACP-WC's statement. Whereas the NAACP focused on FEP and fair housing, other leaders and organizations representing "colored minority persons" focused on issues linked more directly to their specific minority. The Mexican American Community Service Organization, launched what would become a near decade long campaign to legislate old-age pensions for long-term resident non-citizen, a disproportionate number being born in Mexico. At the same time, Ernesto Galarza associated Mexican American civil rights with labor rights and fought to unionize farm workers. This is as well as having California Japanese American Citizens League prioritized their own version of old-age pensions for non-citizens along with reimbursement from the state for payments paid to settle Alien Land Law cases. Alongside the battle for civil rights on the west coast among the various groups of "colored minorities", was the backlash and attempts to subvert the movement. Brilliant shows this when he writes about the "Freedom of Choice" initiative, which aimed at reversing the progress of the civil rights past and foreclosing the civil rights future. If passed the "Freedom of Choice" initiative would have allowed private owners, to choose their guest, patrons, and tenants. Thus, offsetting any previously passed civil rights statue and giving these owners legal support to discriminate openly. <p>In "Massive Resistance in the Urban North", Hirsch brings along a similar message of the struggle of African Americans to get housing desegregation along with the backlash that ensued. Hirsch writes about Donald Howard and his wife Betty, and there clash with white citizens of Chicago in Trumbull Park Homes. Along with the white backlash to the Howard's moving into Trumbull Park, Hirsch writes about the efforts of many to help the Howard's and to further integrate the projects. The Chicago Housing Development (CHA), was in charge of the Trumbull Park Homes development and under the leadership of Elizabeth Wood, evoked a message of nondiscrimination. The response to white fervor to the Howard's and violence the Chicago Housing Development, sent out a letter written by Elizabeth Wood, which put the line in the sand over the issue. White residents of Trumbull Park that participated in anti-black incidents would terminate the leases of the families involved. As well as publicly stating that "non-segregation" was "now a matter of policy on the part of the Chicago Housing Authority," "that there are no racial barriers to a home in public housing," and condemned mob violence. The Howard's being the token African American family in the community quickly realized the gravity of them living in Trumbull Park. Crowds often threw bricks, stones, and poisonous candles through their windows, forcing them to replace windows with plywood. Hirsch shows the hostility in the air during this time in the 1950s by saying, "If Blacks insisted on living in the neighborhood, they would be harassed day and night." As well as writing that the levels of hatred in the community were so great that, white non-segregationist were made to fear for their personal safety and lives. <p>When the CHA added additional Black families it cemented their position on allowing all persons to live in public housing. The increase of black residents in Trumbull Park comes with as Hirsch writes, an increase of the only other persons whom interacted with these African Americans, the police. The police were used in order to ensure the safety of the black residents coming and going to work, stores, church, and many other places. Even, with the protection from the police force, violence was not absent from the community. While in police cars, white mobs often threw rocks. <p>The turnover of Black tenants, the aggressive stance taken by some, their in- creasing freedom of movement, and the removal of the police buffer combined to produce a re-escalation of racial tensions during the spring and summer of 1957. The violence in the community alarmed local African Americans and their white sympathizers that an outreach to Martin Luther King was made in hopes of having him run a workshop on "non-violent techniques." Violence erupted a month later in Trumbull Park, in which mobs descended on the projects itself, beating an African American that was caught in the riots cross-fire. After the riot, African American tenants of Trumbull Park vented their feelings of grief by leaving the community, Eighteen Black families left Trumbull Park Homes between July of 1957 and April 1959. Hirsch shows the glacial speed of the civil rights movement along with the ebbs and flows of backlash that occur with it.
- Roy Wilkins
- During the Civil Rights movement, Wilkins was most famous for his involvement in the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People(NAACP). In 1955 he was the Executive Secretary and in 1964 he was the Executive Director. Wilkins' work was acknowledged by President, Lyndon B Johnson in 1967. He was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom. Wilkins was very active in the Civil Rights movement during the 1930's to the mid 1970's.
- Franklin Williams
- Chairman of the NAACP-WC chapter in California. Found that the California race problem was different then the rest of the country due to the amount of minorities that lived in California. He realized that within this environment, he would have to pursue housing discrimination as his chapter's top priority. He sends a letter and questionnaire to CA legislator with the introduction of the Fair Employment Practices Bill. With this bill the California Committee for Fair Employment Practices came together with the unification of Jewish and Civic Unity agencies. He also believed that the race problem wasn't just between African Ameericans and whites but it also included descendants of all colored nations. He explained how African Americans were not as set apart from the majority as were Mexicans, Chinese, and Japanese people because African Americans don't have a different language or culture which linked them more to their white counterparts.
- Edward Howden
- Judge Melvin Cronin
- Superior Court judge who ruled that the San Francisco Housing Authority's guidelines violated the Fourteenth Amendment, and violated the housing rights of African-Americans. Although his decision received hate mail from white segregationists, it was still upheld by the state appellate court, and the United States Supreme Court refused to review the case.
- Fred Ross
- As the founder of the CSO, Ross saw the main task for Mexican Americans to be increased organization and political involvement. Ross wanted the CSO to act as an NAACP for Mexican Americans and a tool for organization for the largest minority group in California. His main goals were for Mexican Americans to gain political power through tactics such as grassroots organization and door to door voter registration. This led to Mexican American political representation, as seen through the election of Edward Roybal to the Los Angeles City Council. The success of the CSO and it's organization methods for Mexican Americans spread throughout California with the help of Ross's speeches and push for Mexican American citizenship and voter registration.
- Martin H. Kennelly
- Martin H. Kennelly was Ed Kelly’s predecessor who was appointed by Cook County Democrats. He allowed the ward leaders to have their way on racial policy. The city council quickly requested and with the help of cooperative state legislature, received veto power over the selection of public housing sites. More, a wave of postwar housing violence, coincided neatly with Kennelly’s two terms in office (1947-1955), leaving him shell-shocked and alienated from whites who blames him for the disruption of their neighborhoods as well as from embittered Blacks who sought his protection. He quickly became apparent that his earlier promise to support Wood as long as he was mayor meant little once South Deering erupted.
- Willie Mays
- Mays was an African American who was subject to housing discrimination in San Francisco. Upon his Baseball team moving, him and his wife Mae sought for a new home in the Bay area, and after putting down 375,000 on a house they liked, they were denied. Neighbors who found out about their moving in felt as though their housing values would deflate. They then pressured the landlord to refuse them, and even with Mays' popularity, discrimination still followed him due to his skin color.
- Ernesto Galazaza
- An avid supporter of Mexican voting registration status, who created the National Farm Labor Union to fight for discrimination against Mexican Workers. He also studied the Civil Rights movement and found that Mexicans needed to do the same; however, some argued that they couldn't follow the same path as African Americans because they were victims of different discrimination.
- Cesar Chavez
- After some investigation, Chavez found that the Branceros were the problem within the Mexican community. He decided that legal Mexicans deserved more priority and the Branceros needed to end.
- Elizabeth Wood
- Ed Kelly
- David K Fison
- the Howards
- Donald and Betty Howard were the first African Americans to move into Trumbull Park, a housing project of the CHA. Their application was accepted because Betty was light-skinned enough to pass for a white woman and none of their past history or housing indicated that they were African American. They experienced a lot a violence towards them by the white community of Trumbull Park. Their apartment was continually attacked and they needed to police escorts in order to leave the apartment. When the CHA tried to evict them due to not meeting the income standards, the NAACP defended them, saying that the Howards displayed the city's determination to not be pushed around by violent racists and protesters. The Howards eventually left voluntarily and the protesters viewed it as a victory.
- St. Kevin’s Church
- Catholic St. Kevin’s Church became a new front in South Deering’s escalating racial war. St. Kevin’s was a large church –an estimated 80% of South Deering’s whites were Catholics-and it was the first to feel the heat generated by the race issue. Father Raymond A. Purvis, the assistant pastor at St. Kevin’s met with ACLU representatives and the Council against Discrimination within a few weeks of the Howards’ move to Trumbull Park. They learned that Betty was a Catholic and felt the need to “discuss the [religious] problems of the Negro tenants at the project.” As a result, Father Pavis called Howard and invited her to mass. Her victory at St. Kevin’s proved fleeting and she did not return to the church until January 1954 and did so with a police escort.
- Chicago Housing Authority
- group that was responsible for first allowing the Howards to move into the projects before they realized that they were African American. The CHA formally adopted a nondiscriminatory policy, but most of the projects still remained all-white. However, they began to stand up for the Howards as they told the white residents that participated in anti-black incidents that they would be forced to leave. The CHA supported the Howards and allowed them to stay because didn't want more violence to insue if they tried to bring in more black families once they realized the Howards didn't actually meet all of the qualifications to live in the projects.
- Housing Opportunities Program
- South Chicago Community Center
- The Catholic Interracial Program
- Walk & Pray Group
- interracial group that was formed within Trumball Park. They created car pools to discontinue the need for police protection. They wanted to show that they could protect themselves
- America Plus
- Anti-Civil Rights organization that pushed a piece of legislation known as the Freedom of Choice Amendment. The amendment would guarantee private business owners the right to basically discriminate against potential customers and employees. Presented to be in the California Constitution in 1952, the threat that it poised to the progress of the Civil RIghts Movement caused an uproar within the NAACP. The bill failed to even gain enough signatures to reach a vote but proved that there was a strong base of those willing to combat Civil Rights. Just the possibility that laws like this could come so close to passing pushed the NAACP into over drive to procure blacks with basic fundamental legal rights and setting the stage for the Civil Rights of the 1960s.
- Operation Wetback
- Staggering numbers of Mexican migrants prompted President Dwight D. Eisenhower to appoint General Joseph Swing as INS Commissioner. The effort began in California and Arizona in 1954 and coordinated 1,075 Border Patrol agents, along with state and local police agencies. Tactics employed included going house to house in Mexican-American neighborhoods and citizenship checks during standard traffic stops. Mass relocation was the next step. Trains would send thousands of Mexicans to deep Mexico to help prevent re entrance. During the operation, there were widespread allegations of abuse against Mexicans and US citizens of Mexican descent, including harassment and beatings.
- Banks v. Housing Authority of the City and County of San franciso
- Riots of July 1957
- Proposition 18
- "Flying Squad"
- The Last Incident
- The Last Incident occurred a few weeks after the Howards left the project precipitated a series of meetings in which the Black tenants negotiated the police for their freedom of movement. Aware of the rising tension in spring 1954, the police felt a settlement would enable them to control threatening Black, as well as white, actions. The African Americans first requested-and authorities accepted- the discontinuation of the humiliating logbooks. They next solicited police protection that would enable them to shop at a food store on 106th Street and walk to public transportation. Police acceded to the first demand but hesitated at pushing “too fast” for the second. A later meeting hed in June included representatives of the NAACO and the CHE. At this session, the police finally agreed to “open” the west sides of Bensley and Oglesby avenuesfrom the project to 103d Street so that blacks could walk to a major bus line. As attacks on Black individuals continued, it became evident to CHA officials that the attempt to “open” the streets to Black tenants had also sparked a renewal of violence within the development.
Thursday November 15
Rustin, “From Protest to Politics: The Future of the Civil Rights Movement” Malcolm X, “The Ballet or the Bullet” Carmichael, “Towards Black Liberation” and Martin Luther King Jr., “Where Do We Go From Here”
<p><p><p>“From Protest to Politics: The Future of the Civil Rights Movement” focuses on the fact that even after important court decisions and important acts, African Americans still faced racial inequality. It was clear that African Americans had somewhat defeated Jim Crow when it came to social movements, but yet there was more advances to be made in political actions. The social movements being faced were employment, housing, schools, and police brutality. If African Americans wanted to go beyond social agendas, Bayard Rustin, suggest that it would have to be through political power. Political action would allow the movement to go further but the action would have to take place within the Democratic Party and expose the hypocrisy of White liberals. Rustin also explains that if African Americans want to make changes, numbers and organizations are crucial for the movement and that they will also need allies. The Presidential Election of 1964 was an important time for the political advancements of African Americans. Lyndon B Johnson won the election with the help of the African American votes which accounted for 1.6 million votes in the South. Goldwater, who was his running mate, won states in which less than 45 percent of African Americans were able to vote.
Malcolm X “The Ballot or the Bullet” had a different view of the politics in America. Malcolm X stated that the “political crooks” were going around making false promises, building up hopes to only exploit African Americans, which then leads to African Americans falling victim to Americanism and democracy. He agreed with Rustin that it was the African Americans vote that would have a huge impact on office administration in D.C, but he didn't like it. Malcolm X argued that African Americans were not Americans. They were not Americans because they did not get to partake in the things that made people American. He called African Americans to wake up and not just take what had been handed to them, which was nothing. Malcolm X was furious about the fact that African Americans are actually fallen victim to Americanism and democracy and believing the lies and voting. Then after the voting is over and someone has won, the African American still gets nothing in return and they continue to lose and hope for more changes. If African Americans wanted to see a change they should start fighting now instead of hoping for a White politician to change things in the future for the whole African American community. African Americans could not continue sitting around talking about how they want change, it was time to fight and “agreeing” with the politicians was not the way to go. Malcolm X believed it was up to African Americans to change their lives for themselves and not fall victim to the politics in the American system. He mentioned that the problem with segregation was not the separation of whites and African Americans, but that the whites still maintained control over them. Malcolm X's biggest argument is that African Americans need to support their own communities--he says that by buying outside of their community, they are providing a living for the white businessmen. Not only that, but they need to take control of their community. African Americans should be in control of the economy of an African American community. This would mean African Americans creating businesses in their own communities in order to support each other and create jobs where African Americans are not excluded. Another extremist viewpoint that Malcolm holds is that they should "never be nonviolent unless you run into some nonviolence". In other words, Malcolm is pushing for people to defend themselves because the passivity of the nonviolent movement is not motivating whites to actually make significant changes.
“Toward Black Liberation” states that there have always been two communities in America. Those two communities are the Negro Community and the White Community. The White community holds all the power and the Negro Community is under them and are oppressed. Living in the Negro community basically meant that you had no value and in order to become important you had to somehow get into the White community. The way to get into the White community was through integration, which was seen as just loosening up restrictions to gain few goals. When it came to politics, many civil rights leaders thought that the political power was what they needed but political advancements were always and will be negotiated. When African Americans were allowed to register and vote but it was all limited by the “white power.” Stokely Carmichael, also talks about the white liberal that supported African Americans. He states that the reason they are able to and are supporting us is because African American mothers are the ones that are supporting their families while they are away marching. African Americans are fighting for their lives while white liberals are just there to get little things they weren't previously allowed to have. Those white liberals are not supporting civil rights and they are not allies of the movement and that it is impossible to form a coalition with people that are economically secure.
“Where Do We Go From Here” King talks about how African Americans still had some challenges to overcome. As African Americans were demanding changes in jobs, housing, and education, King warned that there would be some type of resistance from Whites. There were two other areas in which African Americans could make progress by identifying themselves as employees and consumers. As an employee African Americans could make up to 20% of the workforce allowing for unification with white workers. However, African-American workers needed to be a part of a union to ensure protection from unequal treatment. As the consumer, African Americans could use mass boycotts as a way to directly attack discrimination. This direct action can be seen in the example of “Operation Breadbasket." Like many readings, King emphasizes the importance of the Negro vote. African Americans needed to be active in politics to take advantage of 3 weaknesses. One, the way political leaders come about, secondly, the failure to achieve political alliances, and third the Negros ability to participate fully in politics. But one could not just vote without a fundamental base, allowing for education and voting to play hand in hand. Simply put, education without engaging in politics doesn't lead to anything, and vice versa. King states that this advancement would then allow civil rights activist to get out of the old tradition and become more active in politics where they needed that boost. Also with the combined strength of White and African Americans would help African Americans overcome opposition and gain the power to change the way of life.
All these summed up can allow the readers to come to the conclusion that social movements were only one issue being faced by African Americans. Though many of these issues were being ironed out due to direct action, nothing was being taken for account in politics. The Supreme Court was on the side of African Americans as notes Malcom X; however, these laws are just laws unless they are implemented. White congressmen break the law everyday by voting against the Constitution and in favor of keeping African Americans suppressed. Therefore, the challenge for activists now lay in political representation, and truly forcing the implementation of laws in favor of African American advancement. The only way to get this point is if African Americans use their mass voting force to be implemented diligently, persistently, and forcefully. Also, by using their education as a meaningful tool within the political process.
Even though Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. had differing opinions on how equality should be achieved, they both agreed that action still had to be taken by the people to make sure laws that were passed really helped African Americans. They both believed that people should work together and forget their differences to make the government work for them. Malcolm X was still more radical in his opinions and MLK believed African Americans should work hard to change the government; the two still had similar opinions about where the Civil Rights Movement was going. They both understood that more needed to be done to gain equality.
- Bob Moses
- Due to Moses' intense support of voter demonstration the idea of pursuing political power has been seen as an important tactic within the movement. Direct action has, therefore, become a calling for power bases. This new stance has allowed the movement to be transformed from a protest movement to a social movement. This new social movement would give way to many advances within the South and Norther, but they also gave way to the idea of political change and due process.
- Malcolm X
- Malcolm X was a black Muslim minister and leader in the Civil Rights Movement. He did not believe nonviolence was a good option for the movement because it still required suffering, and instead he triumphed black liberation by any means necessary. He especially appealed to poor, urban African Americans, and his ideas were very important to the Civil Rights Movement. His ideals and leadership show that the movement was not cohesive, and instead consisted of many strands working together very uneasily for the same goals.
- Lyndon B. Johnson
- Elected president of the United States with African Americans as a voting base. His election brought the realization that the African American was vital to change, and the only way to achieve this change is unifying in mass to vote. Though Johnson's administration did not bring complete justice to African Americans, it did allow for African Americans to see their potential in the political process.
- Barry Goldwater
- Goldwater was the Republican canadite who ran against Johnson in 1964 election. He lost mainly because of the African American votes that went to Johnson. The African Americans believed Johnson to be the better canadite who would really help them with their rights causing Goldwater to lose. The only states that Goldwater did win in the 1964 election were state's where less than 45 percent of African Americans were registered to vote. This also demonstrates the power of the African American vote.
- James Eastland
- Martin Luther King Jr.
- Premier Nikita Khrushchev
- Bobby Kennedy
- Walter Reuther
- A. Philip Randolph
- “no win policy”
- A short-lived segregationist political party in the United States in 1948. It originated as a breakaway faction of the Democratic Party in 1948, determined to protect what they portrayed as the southern way of life beset by an oppressive federal government and supporters assumed control of the state Democratic parties in part or in full in several Southern states. The States' Rights Democratic Party opposed racial integration and wanted to retain Jim Crow laws and white supremacy in the face of possible federal intervention. Members were called the Dixiecrats.
- McCarthyism - practice of making accusations of disloyalty, subversion, or treason without proper regard for evidence. This policy was made famous by senator Joseph McCarthy and his anti-communist practices during the 1950s.
- Census Party
- Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
- in Atlantic City the FDP secured recognition as a major part of the national party and also routed the representatives of the most racist delegations in Mississippi and Alabama. As a coalitional effort they launched a political revolution to displace the power of the Dixiecrat.
- Black Power
- A term coined by Stokely Carmichael, Black Power was a name for African-American movement that advocated more assertive means of attaining civil rights, including the option of using violence in self-defense.
- Economic Withdrawal
- Operation Breadbasket
- A department developed within the SCLC. Its primary aim is the securing of more and better jobs for African Americans. It calls on their community to support those businesses that will give a fair share of jobs to them and to withdraw its support from those businesses that have discriminatory policies. Key word for them: respect. The operation is carried out mainly by clergymen. The first step is done by a team of ministers calling on the management of a business in the community to request basic facts on the company’s total number of employees, the number of African American employees, the departments or job classifications in which all employees are located, and the salary ranges for each category. The next step is negotiation. The team of clergymen returns to the management of the company and transmits the request to hire or upgrade a specified number of “qualifiable” Blacks within a reasonable period of time. If negotiations break down, the step of real power and pressure is taken. This step consists of a massive call for economic withdrawal from the company’s product and accompanying demonstrations if necessary. In most cases this step is not necessary because most business executives are keenly aware of the Black’s buying power. Breakbasket functioned in 12 cities including Atlanta, and Chicago.
- March on Washington
- Election of 1964
- The black population pulled their votes together in 1964 to vote for Johnson. Even though he would have won without their swing vote, they were responsible for Johnson's win in Virginia, Florida, Tennessee, and Arkansas. Also in this election, African Americans reelected all nine of the Southern congressmen who voted for the Civil Rights Act. The new congressmen elected would also mean legislation in favor of the movement. This election showed how influential the African Americans (both North and South) could be as a voting block, and gave hope for future progress using this same power.
- (Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee) Entering the Civil RIghts Movement as youth based and organized helping to invigorate the movement in the early 1960's. Famous from their sit-ins and public displays on non-violent demonstrations their path changed as the 60's went on.They picked up on the ideas of black nationalism along with several other organizations and reflected this push towards a more black empowered movement.
- Teamsters Union
- At that time this group had over a million African Americans in their ranks and with all other industries they had the highest pay rates enjoyed by African American workers.
Tuesday November 20
<p>No Wiki Post Today
Tuesday November 27
Jeanne Theoharis, "'I'd Rather Go to School in the South': How Boston's School Desegregation Complicates the Cibil Rights Paradigm" and Nancy MacLean, "Civil Rights and Work"
Jeanne Theoharis sets out to document the struggles in Boston schools between 1950 and 1974 and to challenge the views of the desegregation struggles in the North compared to in the South. The North had to first prove that segregation was taking place before they could fight it, whereas in the South it was obvious that it was happening. In 1961 Boston started open enrollment in their schools, which allowed black students to enroll and attend predominately white schools. However, the city refused to bus the students. Thus, they were able to segregate the school without openly admitting and showing it. Several parent groups formed to confront the School Committee about their segregation practices and to try to end them. Ultimately, even with the help of organizations like the NAACP, they were unable to succeed. So they took matters into their own hands and started projects like Operation Exodus, which bused students to white schools with open seats because the city was not doing so. The community also began organizing sit-ins and boycotts of the school to arouse support and attract the attention of the local and state governments. Finally, the Racial Imbalance Act was passed in August 1965 and called on "all school committees to adopt education objectives the promotion of racial balance and the correction of existing racial imbalance," and forbade the Commonwealth from supporting any school that was more than 50 percent nonwhite (132). Although the act would not give money to schools that were mostly nonwhite, the act mentioned nothing about schools that had a majority of white students, still enabling the city to have all-white schools. The School Committee was also sued in 1973 and gave up $65 million instead of desegregating. Theoharis' shows that the typical narrative of the struggles of desegregation in the North leave out key factors in the struggle. They often times just refer to Federal Judge W. Arthur Garrity's order that they Boston Public School system desegregate and often do not talk about the nearly 25 year struggle that preceded that decision. They also leave out the fact that women led these efforts. If the media covered these events they quoted black men and did not bring up the fact that white women were involved. The Freedom House, which operated as a sort of headquarters for the efforts is not referred to by scholars. Violence was reported by the media while pro-desegregation efforts were not. Both of these problems faced by the Boston Civil Rights movement is due to the Southern struggle's national attention. Many people would criticize Boston African Americans that they did not do enough, and the South usually overshadowed their successes.
In her article, Nancy MacLean argues that Mexican Americans fought hard for their rights through government and legal means, which is sometimes overlooked by hiscotirans. It has been discussed and debated on what would be the reason they changed the way Mexican American decided to fight for their rights in the 1960s. MacLean thinks it is very clear that it was the Civil Rights Act that did so. The Civil Rights Act allowed them to look at their racial identity differently due to the levels of whiteness and their own brownness. For a long time they considered themselves white because they were made citizens after the Treaty of Guadalupe Hildago. But now they were able to take pride in their Mexican identity. They were no longer trying to claim their whiteness, but rather trying to gain rights for their brownness by the federal government. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was the cause for this sudden racial identity movement. They no longer politely asked for their rights in small groups, but were able to come together as one big group and demand it through direct action, similar to African Americans who had been fighting the system for decades. Due to this understanding, it was found that solidarity was key for both groups. Even though these groups were competing for national recognition and mistrusted one another they realized that the success laid in solidarity. Eventually they received the President's attention and national political leaders begin talking about them. Still, she argues that there is still much to do to gain equal rights for everyone. MacLean's main argument is that looking at how politics shapes identities is vitally important to understanding these movements.
Key Events and Factors
- Operation Exodus
- Parents of the African-American students in the Boston community challenged the segregation system upheld by the school board. These parents formed committees to challenge the segregation by getting their kids into the white schools. However, transportation was a major factor so the committee bussed students to white schools with open seats because the city of Boston was not attempting to help.
- Racial Imbalance Act
- requires districts with racially imbalanced schools to desegregate schools. Years after the state passed the Racial Imbalance Act, the number of racially imbalanced schools in Boston increased from 46 to 65. The Massachusetts Department of Education said it will not give Boston Public Schools state money if they do not begin to desegregate their schools. The state even gave Boston extra money to build new schools, with the promise that these schools will open with a mix of black and white students.
- Freedom House
- The Freedom House was founded in 1950 as a neighborhood improvement association by middle class African Americans. They pressed the city for better programs and services. In 1973, the Freedom House Institute on Schools and Education was formed to help parents oversee the desegregation process. This is important because it shows the importance of bottom up organizing instead of top down.
- June 1974 order on BPS
- After the NAACP filed a desegregation suit against the Boston public schools, Judge Garrity supported the NAACP and ordered the schools to be integrated.
- The American GI Forum
- The American GI Forum was created in March of 1948 in Texas by Hector Perez Garcia. The organization was formed when Garcia saw the discrimination and prejudice Hispanic Americans faced while serving and after serving in the armed forces. The motto of the organization is "Education is Our Freedom and Freedom should be Everybody's Business" and the organization forces on education and civil rights. Today there are many forms of the AGIF all over the United States
- The 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
- it effectively made Mexicans in U.S. territory "white" by recognizing them as citizens at a time when the naturalization law made being white a prerequisite of citizenship. As a result, Mexican Americans main line of defense against being subject to the same treatment as African Americans was to hold the U.S. government accountable for treating them as white
- Federal Judge W. Arthur Garrity
- Garrity was a federal judge in Boston Massachusetts. Due to this he was always a part of the Civil Rights Movement between the 1970s and the 1980s. He ruled that schools were unconstitutionally segregated and used a busing plan to help enforce schools to have a equal number of races. This caused the Boston Busing Crisis.
- Ruth Batson
- Frustrated by the unequal resources provided to majority-black schools, in 1963 Ruth Batson, as chairperson of the Education Committee of Boston’s NAACP, argues for the desegregation of Boston’s public schools
- Metropolitan Council for Educational Opportunity (METCO)
- Brought black students from the city to predominatly white suburbs for school. Founders of METCO thought the program would force the city to deal with the racial equality issues within the city limits while demonstrating the ways that the city and its suburbs were intricately connected. By mid 1970s, METCO was bussing nearly 2,500 students to 38 suburbs. However, it still only affected a small minority of black students and was never an option available to most black children.
- Melnea Cass
- Chairwoman of the NAACP, Cass led and carried out many sit-ins and pickets against the School Committee to highlight their reluctance to desegregate the schools.
- This is the League of United Latin American Citizens. This was a mainstream civil rights organization for Mexican Americans that shifted the focus of their fight for equal rights from claiming "whiteness" under law to joining African Americans as a minority in America. This became significant as both groups helped each other in court cases by filing amicus briefs for the other group. However, there was a divide between the minorities. LULAC voted down an opportunity to support Martin Luther King, Jr. as they thought it would be distracting from the struggles that Mexican Americans faced.
- (MCAD) Massachusetts Committee Against Discrimination
- Unlike their name would suggest the committee essentially stood in place to protect the discriminatory practices that existed in Massachusetts in the 1960's and 1970's. When called upon by the community and the NAACP the group refused to address the blatant issues that were surround race and education. It is because of MCAD and similar organizations that achieving true racial equality within schools became such a difficult task. The were able to push off the issue of integration by not even addressing that there was an issue at all.
- Restore Our Alienated Rights (ROAR)
- Group called upon White parents to refuse to let their children go to school and held rallies to demonstrate their resistance to desegregation. The start of school provoked some of most violent and violent anti-desegregation demonstrations in the nation history.
Thursday November 29
D'Angelo's The American Civil Rights Movement page 462 through 582
- This section of D'Angelo's The American Civil Rights Movement questions integration and segregation. The section as a whole seems to be arguing that the U.S. is segregated and that affirmative action is still necessary to gain complete integration and equality. This idea shows that the Civil Rights never truly ended in the 1960's, as modern politics and white backlash continue to prevent the complete success of Civil Rights well into the 1990's.
- This section begins by pointing out the inadequacies of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Although changes were institutionalized (such as desegregation of lunch counters) the changes did not effect all African Americans. Most of the educational, political, and legal changes benefit Middle Class African Americans, while Lower Class African American needs are greatly ignored. Today, there is still residential segregation of ghettos due to the lack of legal means enacted in urban areas. This lack there of causes living from advancing in society due to the lack of opportunities and quality education. Therefore, although legal segregation is not around anymore, there is still segregation that is more subtle. We live in a colorblind society in theory, however, due to the color-blindness, the true issues in the ghettos are greatly ignored by mainstream American.
- One outcome of the Civil Rights Movement was Affirmative Action, which is the most controversial outcome of the movement. As more and more African Americans were gaining college degrees in the 1970s, the Civil Rights Movement shifted its focus away from poverty and towards affirmative action. There are many people, both black and white, who are against affirmative action. Black conservatives believe that it perpetuates a culture of victimization, while white conservatives are against racial preference in any form. Proponents for affirmative action argue that it is not hurting anyone and that it is a reasonable response to decades of oppression. Also, race is just one factor taken into account, and there are many other preferences when hiring or admitting students. Opponents to affirmative action argue that affirmative action is giving preferential treatment to minorities, which includes African Americans, Asian Americans, Mexican Americans, women, etc. They say that the inclusion of all of these minorities now constitutes a majority of the population, creating an unequal balance.
- Another point of this section is to show the abuses suffered by the black lower class. America is still segregated, some say more than ever before. Due to the segregation of ghettos, those who live in them do not acquire higher levels of learning due to education. The lack of resources and connections also force the community inwards rather then outwards. The lack of time and ideals given to the lower class creates a community that will be forgotten by mainstream America. This, however, is one point in the initial argument of Civil Rights in the 21st century. There are many investigations of voter fraud in counties that are predominantly black in order to intimidate African Americans so that they do not vote. There is also a lack acknowledgment of the lower class due to the color-blindness created by the Nixon era. It is also very important to note that the fear of loosing a job to minorities continues to plague the white race from truly seeing African Americans as equal.
- Race governs all interactions within America due to the very diverse population. However, the law should help to prevent a color-blindness and the fear invoked in white workers. For instance, there are different degrees of discrimination within the U.S. that are not seen nor shown within mainstream America, and greatly ignored by the media and politicians. Today, African Americans still have not achieved complete equality in American life due to the lack of awareness of lower class African Americans. Until equality is achieved, removing affirmative action will only be harmful.
- President John F. Kennedy
- President Lyndon B. Johnson
- Martin Luther King Jr.
- Malcolm X
- Affirmative Action
- Refers to policies that take factors including "race, color, religion, gender, sexual orientation, or national origin into consideration in order to benefit an underrepresented group "in areas of employment, education, and business", usually justified as countering the effects of a history of discrimination. The term "affirmative action" was first used in the United States in Executive Order 10925 and was signed by President John F. Kennedy on 6 March 1961; it was used to promote actions that achieve non-discrimination. In 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson enacted Executive Order 11246 which required government employers to take "affirmative action" to hire without regard to race, religion and national origin.
- War on Poverty
- Starting from the persistence of poverty from post WWII, the War on Poverty was s governmental effort to address the poverty problem in the U.S. Through Johnson's State of the Union Address a great amount of antipoverty legislation was pushed. Nixon's administration maintained most programs and expanded welfare by making the Food Stamp program and the SSI program for disabled americans.
- Black Power is a term coined by Stokely Carmichael. The Black Power Movement was a political effort used to promote Black Racial groups. It emerged around the same time as LBJ's War on Poverty. The movement was about racial pride promoting black interest. The movement wanted to stop racial oppression, have more political power, and become self-sufficient. Under the black power movement African Americans could come together in order to really fight for advancements. Black Power promoted the four concepts of black community development, black capitalism, cultural nationalism, and revolutionary nationalism. The idea was to unify the race and become independent so they could make further advances.
- Passed in June of 1866 the 14th amendment guaranteed citizens ship to recently freed slaves and protected their civil liberties. The 14th amendment also prohibited any state from denying someone their life, liberty, and property without due process, or denying equal protection under the law.
- The residential segregation of African American ensured their social and economic isolation from the rest of society. During the 1980s, the average black person in ten major cities lived in neighborhoods that was at least 80% black.
- Black English Vernacular: An evolved version of Standard English that grew out of black culture that was separated from white America. Black English has little variance between major urban centers and attests to the severity of separation of races in these areas. The dialect is met with hostility and labeled as incorrect next to Standard English. However, this dialect is a product of centuries of social divide and continues to stand as just one more perceived barrier between blacks and whites.
Tuesday December 4
No Wiki Post Today
Thursday December 6
No Wiki Post Today